FANDOM


Social Status of Rural and Urban Working Women in Pakistan

von Prof. Dr. Amber Ferdoos

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[1.] Af/Fragment 041 02 - Diskussion
Zuletzt bearbeitet: 2017-03-10 11:18:46 Graf Isolan
Af, Durrant and Sathar 2000, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
Graf Isolan
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 41, Zeilen: 2-13
Quelle: Durrant and Sathar 2000
Seite(n): 5, Zeilen: 5 ff.
4 Theoretical Constructs of Women’s Status and Work

Theoretical and empirical literature supports the view that women’s status is multidimensional in nature because a woman’s status comprises multiple characteristics of the woman, and her relationship with others. It is impossible to capture the influence and understand women’s status through a single measure. Dimensions including but not limited to freedom of movement access to financial and non-financial resources, decision-making autonomy and gender attitude, freedom from fear and coercion and equality in her relationship with her partner are arguably important. (Federici; Mason; Sogner: 1993) Empirical studies of women’s status in South Asia support the multidimensionality and little correlation with each other (Blak [sic]: 1994; Jejeebhoy: Kazi; Sathar: 1996). Moreover, concurrently examining multi-dimensions of women’s status informs us about the pathways through which women’s status operates on demographic outcomes (Mason: 1993/ 1998).


Balk, D., 1994: Individual and community aspects of women’s status and fertility in rural Bangladesh, Population Studies, 48 (1): 21-45.

Federici, N. / Mason, K. / Sogner, S., 1993: Women’s position and demographic change, Oxford UK, Clarendon Press.

Jejeebhoy, S., 1996: Women’s autonomy and reproductive behaviour in India: Linkages and influences of socio-cultural context in comparative perspective on fertility transition in south Asia, Liêg Belgien Vol. 1: 20-27.

Kazi S. / Sather Z., 1996: Explaining fertility in rural Punjab, The role of gender and development, Paper presented at the IUSSP conference on comparative perspective on fertility transition in south Asia, Rawalpindi, Pakistan.

Mason, K., 1998: Wives economic decision making power in the family: The changing family in comparative perspective Asia and the United States, Honolulu, East West center: 105-133.

Mason, K., 1993: The impact of women’s position on demographic change during the course of development, Oxford UK, Clarendon Press: 19-42.

First, theoretical and empirical literature supports the view that women’s status is multidimensional in nature. Because a woman’s status comprises multiple characteristics of the woman and her relationships with others, it is impossible to capture the influence of and understand women’s status through a single measure. Dimensions including, but not limited to, freedom of movement, access to financial and nonfinancial resources, decisionmaking autonomy, gender attitudes, freedom from fear and coercion, and equality in her relationship with her partner are arguably important but distinct aspects of a woman’s position in relation to men, other family members, and other women (Federici, Mason, and Sogner 1993; Mason 1993). Empirical studies of women’s status in South Asia support this multidimensionality and demonstrate that various aspects of women’s status have different determinants and little correlation with each other (Balk 1994, 1997; Jejeebhoy 1996; Kazi and Sathar 1996; Mason 1998). Moreover, concurrently examining multiple dimensions of women’s status informs us about the pathways through which women’s status operates on demographic outcomes (Mason 1993).

Balk, Deborah. 1994. “Individual and community aspects of women’s status and fertility in rural Bangladesh,” Population Studies 48(1): 21–45.

———. 1997. “Defying gender norms in rural Bangladesh: A social demographic analysis,” Population Studies 51: 153–172.

Federici, Nora, Karen Oppenheim Mason, and Sølvi Sogner. 1993. “Introduction,” in Nora Federici, Karen Oppenheim Mason, and Sølvi Sogner (eds.), Women’s Position and Demographic Change. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, pp. 1–15.

Jejeebhoy, Shireen J. [...]

———. 1996. “Women’s autonomy and reproductive behaviour in India: Linkages and influence of sociocultural context,” in Comparative Perspectives on Fertility Transition in South Asia, vol. 1. Liège, Belgium: IUSSP, pp. 20–27.

Kazi, Shahnaz and Zeba A. Sathar. 1996. “Explaining fertility in rural Punjab: The role of gender and development,” paper presented at the IUSSP conference on Comparative Perspectives on Fertility Transition in South Asia, Rawalpindi, Pakistan, 17–19 December.

Mason, Karen Oppenheim. [...]

———. 1993. “The impact of women’s position on demographic change during the course of development,” in Nora Federici, Karen Oppenheim Mason, and Sølvi Sogner (eds.), Women’s Position and Demographic Change. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, pp. 19–42.

———. 1998. “Wives’ economic decision-making power in the family: Five Asian countries,” in Karen Oppenheim Mason, Noriko O. Tsuya, and Minja Kim Choe (eds.), The Changing Family in comparative Perspective: Asia and the United States. Honolulu, HI: East-West Center, pp. 105–133.

Anmerkungen

Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[2.] Af/Fragment 041 14 - Diskussion
Zuletzt bearbeitet: 2017-03-29 14:48:29 Schumann
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, Randall 1987, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
Graf Isolan
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 41, Zeilen: 14-24
Quelle: Randall 1987
Seite(n): 15, 20, 21, 25, 26, Zeilen: 15:2-3.16-18; 20:29-31.(38-37); 21:(11-16),17-18; 25:40-26:1ff.
Is male dominance universal? Have men exercised disproportionate power over women in all known societies to date? The thesis of universal male dominance, whether upheld by feminists or by anti-feminists, is supported by a substantial body of scholarship, much of which is anthropological. Whatever term is used - male dominance, male supremacy or patriarchy - it stands for a far-reaching social subordination of women. There are three main theses in explaining women’s oppression: those that attribute it to biology, to culture and to the economic system. However, the oldest and most obvious explanation for women’s oppression is the biological differences between men and women. Women have been made dependent upon their men-folk through their biological vulnerability associated with menstruation, the menopause and other female ills such as constant painful childbirth, wet-nursing and the care of the infants. [page 15]

Women's place in society

Is male dominance universal? Have men exercised disproportionate power over women in all known societies to date? [...]

The thesis of universal male dominance, whether upheld by feminists or by anti-feminists, is supported by a substantial body of scholarship. Much of this is anthropological. [...]

[page 20]

Whatever term we use - male dominance, male supremacy or patriarchy - it stands for a far-reaching social subordination of women. [...]

The subordination of women has been explained in an enormous variety of ways, [...]

[page 21]

Therefore, although I have divided the following discussions of explanations of male dominance into those emphasizing biology, culture and the economic system respectively, this is for reasons of intelligibility and is not intended to imply that these elements are either easily defined or independent of each other.

Anatomy as destiny

The oldest, and most obvious, explanation for women’s oppression is the biological differences between men and women. [...]

[page 25]

First, women have been made dependent upon their menfolk through

[page 26]

their biological vulnerability associated with menstruation, the menopause and other 'female ills', constant painful childbirth, wet-nursing and the care of the infants.

Anmerkungen

Although (nearly) every sentence nearly identically stems from Randall (1987) nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann


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