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65 gesichtete, geschützte Fragmente: Plagiat

[1.] Af/Fragment 015 02 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 14. March 2017, 09:11 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 13. March 2017, 16:43 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, Nasir 2000, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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2 Women in Pakistan-Social and Gender Order

Pakistani society is a male dominated society where women are the centre of attention and life but this society also considers women as no more than secondary citizens which is perhaps due to the traditional norms prevailing in the whole society. The role and status of Pakistani women in all walks of life has been highly undermined. However, over the years this scenario has changed and the awareness of woman’s abilities, her rights and her status has reached almost all parts of Pakistan which is an underdeveloped third world country.3


3 Pakistan was created (14th August 1947) on the basis of the Two-Nation theory, which emphasizes Islamic teachings and values, giving the best and the most balanced code of life but pseudo-fundamentalists converted the teachings of Islam to read in the best interests of men and highly unjust towards women. Despite this the woman of Pakistan has come a long way in proving herself from home to economic spheres.

[...] Where on one side it places women as the center of attention and life, it then on the other considers them no more than secondary citizens.

For years the role that a woman played as a citizen, a member of the family, or a homemaker has been highly undermined and today it has turned into a tradition to degrade a womans ability. However, over the years this scenario has changed, and the awareness of her abilities, her rights and her status has reached almost all parts of Pakistan, which is an underdeveloped third world country. Pakistan was formed on the basis of the Two-Nation theory, which emphasised Islamic teachings and values, and is therefore called the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

Islam gives the best and the most balanced code of life, but pseudo-fundamentalists converted the teachings of Islam to read in the best interests of men and highly unjust towards women. Despite this the woman of Pakistan has come a long way in proving herself.

Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[2.] Af/Fragment 015 08 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 16. March 2017, 09:22 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 15. March 2017, 17:06 (Klgn)
Af, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Mumtaz and Shaheed 1987, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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The majority of Pakistani women belong to the rural areas who work in the fields and in the industrial centres. It is a poor and virtually illiterate majority, which leads a life of physical hardship involving long hours at tedious chores for which there is neither compensation nor recognition. Most of these women bear the double burden of housework and outside work. Not only do these women have longer days than the rest of the family, but also being the last to eat, they eat less well and suffer from anaemia and malnutrition. (Mumtaz / Shaheed: 1987)

Shaheed, F. / Mumtaz, K., 1987: Women in Pakistan. Two steps forward, one step back? London/ New Jersey: Zeb Books Ltd.

The majority of Pakistani womanhood belongs to the silent and unmentioned peasantry in the rural areas and the working class in the industrial centres. It is a poor and virtually illiterate majority which leads a life of physical hardship involving long hours at tedious chores, for which there is neither compensation nor recognition. Most of these women bear the double burden of housework and outside work. [...] Not only do women have longer days than the rest of the family, but being the last to eat, they eat less well and suffer from anaemia and malnutrition.
Anmerkungen

Though a source is given, nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Klgn), SleepyHollow02

[3.] Af/Fragment 023 110 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 13. March 2017, 13:10 Schumann
Erstellt: 12. March 2017, 22:34 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Sharma 2005

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18 In June 2002, 30-year-old Mukhtar was publicly gang-raped in Meerwala, Pakistan. She was punished because her young brother was rumored to have been seen in the company of a girl from a rival tribe. When Mukhtar rushed to the tribal court to plead for her brother, he was let off but she was handed out this punishment to set an example to others. Four "volunteers" raped her, she was beaten and paraded naked before her father covered her with a shawl and took her home. The story could have ended there. But it did not. Mukhtar's family and a close group of her friends decided to take up the matter. Mukhtar is an educated woman and taught Islam to children in her village. The local cleric from the mosque came to her aid and spoke up against the crime. He joined her friends who demanded that the rapists be punished. The case became known in Pakistan and many groups supported her. As a result, her case was brought to trial is a special court and in July 2002, six of the accused were handed the death sentence. Mukhtar was awarded a compensation that she used to start a school for girls. The convicted men appealed the ruling of the special court and earlier this month, on March 3, the Lahore High Court overturned the earlier ruling. It appeared as if all was lost. Even though women's groups rallied around Mukhtar Mai and on March 8, International Women's Day, they demonstrated their support for her, Mukhtar feared the future now that the perpetrators of the crime were to be freed. Once again, she was lucky. On March 12, the Federal Shariat Court overruled the Lahore High Court and has ordered a re-trial. This has given Mukhtar some reason for hope and a greater sense of security as the men remain in jail. However, the Shariat Court will re-examine the case according to the Hudood Ordinance, which holds out very little hope for rape victims. In Pakistan, Mukhtar's story is not unique. According to women's activists, just in the first half of 2004, over 150 women were [raped on orders from tribal courts, a detestable custom called "karo kari".] In June 2002, 30-year-old Mukhtar was publicly gang-raped in Meerwala, Pakistan. She was punished because her young brother was rumoured to have been seen in the company of a girl from a rival tribe. When Mukhtar rushed to the tribal court to plead for her brother, he was let off but she was handed out this punishment to set an example to others. Four "volunteers" raped her, she was beaten and paraded naked before her father covered her with a shawl and took her home.

The story could have ended there. But it did not. Mukhtar's family and a close group of her friends decided to take up the matter. Mukhtar is an educated woman and taught Islam to children in her village.

The local cleric from the mosque came to her aid and spoke up against the crime. He joined her friends who demanded that the rapists be punished. The case became known in Pakistan and many groups supported her. As a result, her case was brought to trial is a special court and in July 2002, six of the accused were handed the death sentence. Mukhtar was awarded a compensation that she used to start a school for girls.

The convicted men appealed the ruling of the special court and earlier this month, on March 3, the Lahore High Court overturned the earlier ruling. It appeared as if all was lost. Even though women's groups rallied around Mukhtar Mai and on March 8, International Women's Day, they demonstrated their support for her, Mukhtar feared the future now that the perpetrators of the crime were to be freed.

Once again, she was lucky. On March 12, the Federal Shariat Court overruled the Lahore High Court and has ordered a re-trial. This has given Mukhtar some reason for hope and a greater sense of security as the men remain in jail. However, the Shariat Court will re-examine the case according to the Hudood Ordinance, which holds out very little hope for rape victims.

In Pakistan, Mukhtar's story is not unique. According to women's activists, just in the first half of 2004, over 150 women were raped on orders from tribal courts, a detestable custom called "karo kari".

Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[4.] Af/Fragment 024 101 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 13. March 2017, 13:12 Schumann
Erstellt: 12. March 2017, 22:41 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Sharma 2005

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They have been demanding a law to ban this, but have had little luck so far. But Mukhtar Mai's struggle certainly holds out an inspiring example to other women who might feel that life was not worth living after such a horrendous experience. Mukhtar Mai's story has not yet ended. But the way she has fought up to now is an uplifting example for all women, not just those who are victims of sexual crimes. They have been demanding a law to ban this, but have had little luck so far. But Mukhtar Mai's struggle certainly holds out an inspiring example to other women who might feel that life was not worth living after such a horrendous experience.

[...]

Mukhtar Mai's story has not yet ended. But the way she has fought up to now is an uplifting example for all women, not just those who are victims of sexual crimes.

Anmerkungen

Continued from previous page. No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

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(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[5.] Af/Fragment 027 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 13. March 2017, 13:27 Schumann
Erstellt: 6. March 2017, 18:46 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, Müller 2004, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Furthermore, given the various interpretations of Islam in the individual Muslim countries and communities - whether traditional or modern, liberal or conservative - it is misleading to assume a priori that the teachings of Islam and equality for women are incompatible. There are interpretations that are in tune with women’s rights. Upon receiving the Nobel Peace Prize (2003), Shirin Ebadi emphasized:
"The discriminatory plight of women in Islamic States has its roots in the patriarchal and male-dominated culture prevailing in these societies, not in Islam".

Many Islamic states have signed the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). Nevertheless, almost all Arab Islamic states have attached fundamental reservations to their signatures: the provisions of the CEDAW must not run contrary to Sharia norms (Islamic law). It is particularly interesting to note here that some Muslim women are using the scope for interpretation they see in the Sharia to reduce legal and real discrimination against women. Practicing Muslim women are thus embracing the universal issue of women’s rights as their own cause, something unique that is inextricably linked to their culture and religion. Now that this issue has been absorbed as one of their own, women’s rights, feminism and social status can no longer be defamed as something imposed from the outside, rather these issues are gradually taking hold in Islamic identities and in fact are even based on religious norms.

Given the various interpretations of Islam in the individual Muslim countries and communities - whether traditional or modern, liberal or conservative - it is misleading to assume a priori that the teachings of Islam and equality for women are incompatible. There are interpretations that are in tune with women's rights. Upon receiving the Nobel Peace Prize, Shirin Ebadi emphasized, "The discriminatory plight of women in Islamic States (...) has its roots in the patriarchal and male-dominated culture prevailing in these societies, not in Islam".

[...]

Many Islamic states have signed the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Nevertheless, almost all Arab Islamic states have attached fundamental reservations to their signatures: the provisions of the CEDAW must not run contrary to Sharia norms, that is to Islamic law. [...]

[...]

What I find particularly interesting here are the efforts by some Muslim women to use the scope for interpretation they see in the Sharia to reduce legal and real discrimination against women. Practising Muslim women are thus embracing the universal issue of women's rights as their own cause, something unique that is inextricably linked to their culture and religion.

Now that this issue has been absorbed as one of their own, women's rights, feminism and equality can no longer be defamed as something imposed from the outside, by the West, rather these issues are gradually taking hold in Islamic identities and in fact are even based on religious norms. I think we ought to discuss such creative approaches in more detail.

Anmerkungen

Nothing but the obvious quote has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[6.] Af/Fragment 027 33 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 12. March 2017, 18:15 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 6. March 2017, 19:16 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, Müller 2004, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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2.3.1 Women’s status in Islamic World-a short note

According to a UN Report, the lack of involvement of women in political and economic life constitutes an essential impediment to the development of Arab states. The Arab Human Development Report first published in 2002 criticizes the fact that women are [discriminated against both as far as political participation is concerned and in the workplace.]

According to a UN Report, the lack of involvement of women in political and economic life constitutes an essential impediment to the development of Arab states. The Arab Human Development Report first published in 2002 criticizes the fact that women are discriminated against both as far as political participation is concerned and in the workplace.
Anmerkungen

Nothing has been marked as a citation.

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(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[7.] Af/Fragment 028 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 12. March 2017, 21:11 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 6. March 2017, 19:56 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, Müller 2004, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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[The Arab Human Development Report first published in 2002 criticizes the fact that women are] discriminated against both as far as political participation is concerned and in the workplace. I think awareness is spreading in the Islamic world, too, that modernization is crucial if we are to master the challenges of globalization. Technical developments, improved communications and economic globalization mean that no state can wall itself in anymore. The Arab Human Development Report first published in 2002 criticizes the fact that women are discriminated against both as far as political participation is concerned and in the workplace. I think awareness is spreading in the Islamic world, too, that modernization is crucial if we are to master the challenges of globalization. Technical developments, improved communications and economic globalization mean that no state can wall itself in anymore.
Anmerkungen

Continued from the previous page. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Note the use of "I" in this paragraph.

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(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[8.] Af/Fragment 028 05 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 10. March 2017, 22:20 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 6. March 2017, 20:56 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Engineer 2002, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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There is strong criticism of those who work for rights and status of women by conservative Islamists and they are accused of imitating Western feminism. However, those struggling for women’s rights and status in third world countries in general and, in the Islamic countries in particular have to struggle against much greater odds. These odds remain insurmountable even if these women work within the framework of Islam. Many Muslim countries like Kuwait even refuse to give its women right to vote. The Saudi Government does not allow its women to drive even when accompanied by their husbands.

Male domination is not at all Islamic, though it is justified in its name. Men use some selective verses from the Qur’an, ignore their social context and use them to perpetuate their domination. They conveniently ignore the verses empowering women or laying down equality of both the sexes. In fact in verses like 2:219 and 2:228 there is clear statement about equality of both the sexes and yet they are totally ignored and instead they quote verses like 4:34 to establish their domination. Saudi law not allowing women to venture out alone is not Qur’anic but based on a hadith which prohibits women going out alone. Even if the hadith is authentic, as there are thousands of ahadith which are not authentic due to the lack of proper reference, one totally ignores the social conditions then and now. It is interesting to note that while the Saudi Government does not allow women to drive cars the Iranian Government has started exclusive taxi service to be run by women.21

Thus Iranian women can not only drive private cars but can also be a taxi driver. Similarly while the Kuwait Government refuses its women to vote other Muslim countries like Pakistan, Bangladesh, Egypt and other countries allow them to vote even some Muslim countries like Pakistan and Bangladesh had women prime ministers. How does one explain these contradictory practices? Are their different Islams or there are differing attitudes towards women? Such gross contradictions are really difficult to gloss over in the name of Islam. It all depend either on social conditions of that country or on political exigencies as explained in the earlier part.

It is a fact that Muslim women enjoy differing degree of rights in different Islamic countries. While in Turkey Mustafa Kemal Pasha (1881-1938) introduced secular Swiss code thus according equal rights to both men and women on one hand, and, the total restrictions in Saudi Arabia on the other hand. In other Muslim countries like Egypt, Morocco, Algeria, Jordan etc. there is comparatively greater latitude of freedom for women. It is because the rulers in these countries are more liberal towards women.


21 The idea of seclusion also has increased the percentage of women in other jobs, such as taxi driver. Recently twelve taxi agencies have been set up in the holy city of Mashhad; staffed and managed entirely by women, they employ 200 female taxi drivers who own their cars and are provided with cell phones (Zaneh Rouz 2001).

There is strong criticism of those who work for rights of women by conservative Islamists and they are accused of imitating Western feminism. [...]

[...]

And those struggling for women's rights in third world countries in general and, in the Islamic countries in particular have to struggle against much greater odds. These odds remain insurmountable even if these women work within the framework of Islam. Many Muslim countries like Kuwait even refuse to give its women right to vote. The Saudi Government does not allow its women even to drive even when accompanied by their husbands, let alone go out alone in public.

[...] Male domination is not at all Islamic, though it is justified in its name. Men use some selective verses from the Qur'an, ignore their social context and use them to perpetuate their domination. They conveniently ignore the verses empowering women or laying down equality of both the sexes. In fact in verses like 2:219, 2:228 and 33:35 there is clear statement about equality of both the sexes and yet they are totally ignored and instead they quote verses like 4:34 to establish their domination. [...]

[...] Thus the Saudi law not allowing women to venture out alone is not Qur'anic but based on a hadith which prohibits women going out alone.

Even if the hadith is authentic one totally ignores the social conditions then and now. [...]

[...] It is interesting to note that while the Saudi Government does not allow women to drive cars the Iranian Government has started exclusive taxi service to be run by women. Thus Iranian women can not only drive private cars but can also be a taxi driver.

Similarly while the Kuwait Government refuses its women to vote other Muslim countries like Pakistan, Bangla Desh, Egypt and other countries allow them to vote. How does one explain these contradictory practices? Are their different Islams or there are differing attitudes towards women? Thus it is not Islamic sources but men's attitude which matters.

And when Muslim women demand their rights - and Islamic rights at that - they are denounced as western feminists. It is a fact that Muslim women enjoy differing degree of rights in different Islamic countries. While in Turkey Mustafa Kemal Pasha introduced secular Swiss code thus according equal rights to both men and women on one hand, and, the total restrictions in Saudi on the other hand. In other Muslim countries like Egypt, Morocco, Algeria, Jordan etc. there is comparatively greater latitude of freedom for women. It is because the rulers in these countries are more liberal towards women.

[...]

Some Muslim countries like Pakistan and Bangla Desh had or have women prime minister and some Muslim countries like Kuwait do not accord women right to vote. Such gross contradictions are really difficult to gloss over in the name of Islam. It all depends either on social conditions of that country or even on political exigencies.

Anmerkungen

Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), WiseWoman

[9.] Af/Fragment 028 101 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 13. March 2017, 13:03 Schumann
Erstellt: 10. March 2017, 22:31 (WiseWoman)
Af, Bahramitash 2003, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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21 The idea of seclusion also has increased the percentage of women in other jobs, such as taxi driver. Recently twelve taxi agencies have been set up in the holy city of Mashhad; staffed and managed entirely by women, they employ 200 female taxi drivers who own their cars and are provided with cell phones (Zaneh Rouz 2001).

Zaneh R., 2001: "Nokhostin Agance Taxi Telephony Banevan dar Mashahd Rahandazy Shod," No. 1797.

The idea of seclusion also has increased the percentage of women in other jobs, such as taxi driver. Recently twelve taxi agencies have been set up in the holy city of Mashhad; staffed and managed entirely by women, they employ 200 female taxi drivers who own their cars and are provided with cell phones (Zaneh Rouz 2001).

“Nokhostin Agance Taxi Telephony Banevan dar Mashahd Rahandazy Shod,” Zaneh Rouz, Number 1797.

Anmerkungen

According to the Wikipedia, Zan-e Rooz was a women's weekly magazine published in Tehran [1]. Thus it does not make sense to list it as an author as Af does. Nothing is marked as a direct quote.

Sichter
(WiseWoman), SleepyHollow02

[10.] Af/Fragment 029 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 10. March 2017, 23:25 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 6. March 2017, 21:24 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Engineer 2002, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Thus it is not Islam, which comes in the way but man’s attitude which determine the laws of Muslim countries regarding women. But these men in various Muslim countries invoke name of Islam to stem the tide of women’s movement for better rights. For example, in Pakistan when Fatima Jinnah tried to contest for the office of President (in early sixties against Ayuub Khan), the latter wangled a fatwa from the conservative ulama that a woman cannot become head of the state.22

All these political games are unfortunately played in the name of Islam rather than giving women rights due to them in a modern democratic society and which are not contrary to the teachings of the Qur’an. Most of the Muslim women in Islamic countries are agitating for their Islamic rights and status. The Taliban regime was the worst offenders in this respect. They not only followed the rigid Saudi laws but put more restriction than the Saudis do. The Taliban who were essentially following tribal norms justified all that in the name of Islam. They did not even allow women to go out for schools and madrassas totally ignoring the famous hadith of the Prophet of Islam that seeking knowledge is obligatory both for Muslim men and Muslim women. The Prophet used the word ilm which includes both religious as well as secular knowledge and as pointed out by some learned ulema that right to education is a religious duty spelled out in the Qur’an for men and women alike (Wadud 1999).

There is hardly any Muslim country, which has democratic governance. Either there is monarchy or military dictatorship or controlled democracy. However, modernization is also going on rapidly and it is difficult for the rulers in Muslim countries to resist spread of modern education among women. More modern education among women and society becomes increasingly democratized, awareness for rights grows among them and they demand their rights and actual status either on Islamic or secular grounds.


22 The ulema at that time quoted a hadith from the Holy Prophet that if a woman becomes head of a nation that nation will face disaster. However, the supporters of Fatima Jinnah which included head of Jamaat-e-Islami, Maulana Maududi (see previous pages for the role of JI in Pakistani politics) approved of her contesting the President’s election. They also managed to obtain a fatwa to this effect from a prominent alim who justified on grounds that in democracy the head of a state does not have absolute powers but depends on votes of members of parliament whose majority is of men.

(also seehttp://www.storyofpakistan.com/articletext.asp?artid=A106)


Wadud, A., 1999: Qur'an and women. New York: Oxford University Press.

Thus it is not Islam, which comes in the way but man's attitude which determine the laws of Muslim countries regarding women. But these men in various Muslim countries invoke name of Islam to stem the tide of women's movement for better rights dubbing it as western feminism.

[...]

When Fatima Jinnah tried to contest for the office of President in early sixties against Ayuub Khan, the latter wangled a fatwa from the conservative 'ulama that a woman cannot become head of the state. They quoted a hadith from the Holy Prophet that if a woman becomes head of a nation that nation will face disaster. However, the supporters of Fatima Jinnah which included head of Jama'at-e-Islami Maulana Maududi approved of her contesting the President's election. They also managed to obtain a fatwa to this effect from a prominent 'alim like Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi who justified on grounds that in democracy the head of a state does not have absolute powers but depends on votes of members of parliament whose majority is of men.

All these political games are unfortunately played in the name of Islam rather than giving women rights due to them in a modern democratic society and which are not contrary to the teachings of the Qur'an. Most of the Muslim women in Islamic countries are not guilty of following 'western feminism' but are agitating for their Islamic rights. The Taliban regime was the worst offenders in this respect. They not only followed the rigid Saudi laws but put more restriction than the Saudis do.

The Taliban who were essentially following tribal norms justified all that in the name of Islam. They did not even allow women to go out for schools and madrasas totally ignoring the famous hadith of the Prophet that seeking knowledge is obligatory both for Muslim men and Muslim women (muslimah). The prophet separately mentioned Muslimah keeping in mind that soon after him the Muslim men would restrict women from acquiring knowledge. The Prophet used the word 'ilm which includes both religious as well as secular knowledge.

[...]

[...] There is hardly any Muslim country, which has democratic governance. Either there is monarchy or military dictatorship or controlled democracy.

However, modernisation is also going apace and it is difficult for the rulers in Muslim countries to resist spread of modern education among women. More modern education spread among women and society becomes increasingly democratised, awareness for rights grows among them and they demand their rights either on Islamic or secular grounds.

Anmerkungen

Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), WiseWoman

[11.] Af/Fragment 031 40 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 10. March 2017, 11:15 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 7. March 2017, 21:58 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Alavi 1991, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Education is the key to acceptable and respectable jobs and careers. Lower middle class families in Pakistan would find it degrading to let their women take up jobs as domestic servants or to work on the factory floor i.e. jobs for which education is not a prerequisite. But families who expect their women to take up jobs as teachers or office [clerks (or better) tend therefore to put a higher value on women’s education than was the case before - though financing the education of sons’ still takes precedence.] Education is the key to acceptable and respectable jobs and careers. Lower middle class families would find it degrading to let their women take up jobs as domestic servants or to work on the factory floor (though some are driven to this out of desperation) i.e. jobs for which education is not a pre-requisite. But families who expect their women to take up jobs as teachers or office clerks (or better) tend therefore to put a higher value on women's education than was the case before - though financing the education of sons still takes precedence.
Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[12.] Af/Fragment 032 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 10. March 2017, 11:11 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 7. March 2017, 22:18 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Alavi 1991, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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[But families who expect their women to take up jobs as teachers or office] clerks (or better) tend therefore to put a higher value on women’s education than was the case before - though financing the education of sons’ still takes precedence.

The life of lower middle class women in salaried employment is subject to rather different kinds of pressures. Her working day starts early, for she must feed her husband and children and send them off to school before she herself rushes off to work. In the case of a woman who is the first to be picked up or the last to be dropped home this can add an hour, or even two, to the long day spent at work. She has to finish many chores like preparing dinner for the family, taking care of children, washing etc. after a long day of work. Very few women happen to have particularly enlightened and helpful relatives (e.g. a mother-in-law) or a co-operative husband who is willing to take over some of the chores.

But families who expect their women to take up jobs as teachers or office clerks (or better) tend therefore to put a higher value on women's education than was the case before - though financing the education of sons still takes precedence. [...]

[...]

The life of lower middle class women in salaried employment is subject to rather different kinds of pressures. Her working day starts early, for she must feed her husband and children and send them off to school before she herself rushes off to work. [...] In the case of a woman who is the first to be picked up or the last to be dropped home this can add an hour, or even two, to the long day spent at work. [...] [Whilst her husband relaxes with a cold drink under a fan, she has to rush straight into the kitchen to prepare the family evening meal. And there are umpteen little chores to be attended to, young children to be looked after and the family fed and put to bed. Some chores, such as washing clothes and cleaning the house, are inevitably put off for the weekend which therefore is not time for rest nor for demonstrations in aid of women's rights.] [...]; women who happen to have particularly enlightened and helpful relatives (e.g. a mother-in-law) or a co-operative and politically committed husband (a rare commodity) who is willing to take over some of their chores during their short absence.

Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[13.] Af/Fragment 034 03 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 11. March 2017, 22:53 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 8. March 2017, 11:42 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Asian Development Bank 2000, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite(n): ix, 2, Zeilen: ix:2-5; 2:10-17
The status of women in Pakistan is not homogenous because of the interconnection of gender with other forms of exclusion in the society. There is considerable diversity in the status of women across classes, regions, and the rural/urban divide due to uneven socio-economic development and the impact of tribal, feudal, and capitalist social formations on women’s lives. Pakistani women lack social value and status because of negation of their roles as producers and providers in all social aspects. The preference for sons due to their productive role dictates the allocation of household resources in their favor. Male members of the family are given better education and are equipped with skills to compete for resources in the public arena, while female members are imparted domestic skills to be good mothers and wives. Lack of skills, limited opportunities in the job market and social and cultural restrictions limit women’s chance to compete for resources in the public arena. This situation has led to the social and economic dependence of women that becomes the basis for male power over women in all social relationships. [page ix]

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The status of women in Pakistan is not homogenous because of the interconnection of gender with other forms of exclusion in the society. There is considerable diversity in the status of women across classes, regions, and the rural/urban divide due to uneven socioeconomic development and the impact of tribal, feudal, and capitalist social formations on women’s lives. [...]

[page 2]

[...] In the given social context, Pakistani women lack social value and status because of negation of their roles as producers and providers in all social roles. The preference for sons due to their productive role dictates the allocation of household resources in their favor. Male members of the family are given better education and are equipped with skills to compete for resources in the public arena, while female members are imparted domestic skills to be good mothers and wives. Lack of skills, limited opportunities in the job market, and social and cultural restrictions limit women’s chances to compete for resources in the public arena. This situation has led to the social and economic dependency of women that becomes the basis for male power over women in all social relationships.

Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), WiseWoman

[14.] Af/Fragment 035 27 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 10. March 2017, 07:38 Klgn
Erstellt: 7. March 2017, 02:03 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, Ndjonkou 2005, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Increasing numbers of women are entering the labour force in Pakistan, yet the quality of their jobs is often below the “threshold of decency”. This often entails long hours of work in addition to women’s unpaid household duties, low pay, job insecurity, unhealthy and dangerous conditions, sexual harassment and a lack of social protection, representation and a say in decision-making. Additionally, women are disproportionately concentrated in the informal economy and outside International Labour Standards and social protection systems. Much of women’s work in global production chains and forms of labour such as domestic work, migrant labour and home work where women predominate is excluded from the scope of social protection and fair compensation.

Despite the ratification of the ILO Convention on equal remuneration for work of equal value (No. 100), there is little progress in closing the gender pay gap. Such poor conditions for women also threaten those of men affecting the livelihoods of families.

The ILO Decent Work Agenda is an important vehicle for the practical implementation of Section F on “Women and the Economy” of the Beijing Platform for Action. Achieving decent work means creating jobs with rights and social protection through meaning[ful social dialogue between governments and actors in the business and labour communities and in civil society.]

Mr. Chairman,

Increasing numbers of women are entering the labour force worldwide, yet the quality of their jobs is often below the "threshold of decency". This often entails long hours of work in addition to women's unpaid household duties, low pay, job insecurity, unhealthy and dangerous conditions, sexual harassment and a lack of social protection, representation and a say in decision-making.

In addition, women are disproportionately concentrated in the informal economy and outside International Labour Standards and social protection systems. Much of women's work in global production chains and forms of labour such as domestic work, migrant labour and home work where women predominate is excluded from the scope of social protection and fair compensation.

Despite near-universal ratification of the ILO Convention on equal remuneration for work of equal value (No. 100) adopted over 50 years ago, there is little progress in closing the gender pay gap. Such poor conditions for women also threaten those of men affecting the livelihoods of families in what is a race to the bottom. [...]

[...]

The ILO Decent Work Agenda is an important vehicle for the practical implementation of Section F on "Women and the Economy" of the Beijing Platform for Action. [...] Achieving decent work means the creating jobs with rights and social protection through meaningful social dialogue between governments and actors in the business and labour communities and in civil society.

Anmerkungen

Nothing has been marked as a citation.

What originally was "worldwide" has been reduced to "in Pakistan". Otherwise the original text has remained nearly unaltered.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[15.] Af/Fragment 036 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 10. March 2017, 11:16 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 8. March 2017, 09:47 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, Ndjonkou 2005, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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[Achieving decent work means creating jobs with rights and social protection through meaning]ful social dialogue between governments and actors in the business and labour communities and in civil society. The Beijing Platform for Action provides a comprehensive set of measures across all sectors to advance gender equality and the empowerment of women. Its full implementation is therefore a prerequisite for reaching the targets set out under the Millennium Development Goals. Promoting women’s access to income and decent work is a central strategy for working out of the grinding poverty faced today by millions of families in Pakistan. Advancing gender equality at work can only be achieved through non-discrimination in employment and occupation, equal remuneration for work of equal value, maternity protection and equal sharing by men and women of family responsibilities. [page 1]

Achieving decent work means the creating jobs with rights and social protection through meaningful social dialogue between governments and actors in the business and labour communities and in civil society. As women represent half the world's population, gender equality is fundamental for achieving the Decent Work Agenda. Four key areas for advancing gender equality in the world of work are nondiscrimination in employment and occupation, equal remuneration for work of equal value, maternity protection and equal sharing by men and women of family responsibilities.

[...]

The Beijing Platform for Action provides a comprehensive set of measures across all sectors to advance gender equality and the empowerment of women. Its full implementation is therefore a prerequisite for reaching the targets set out under the Millennium Development Goals. Promoting women's access to income and decent work is a central strategy for working out of the grinding poverty faced today by millions of families around the globe.

Anmerkungen

Continued from previous page. No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Again: "around the globe" has been substituted by "in Pakistan" to fit the theme of the thesis.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[16.] Af/Fragment 036 12 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 20. March 2017, 00:34 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 10. March 2017, 06:50 (SleepyHollow02)
Af, Ahmar 2004, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Although the media in Pakistan is becoming supportive towards women in their struggle against discrimination and cases of violence against women are reported more frequently, the existing and at times growing shades of bias and insensitivity need to be examined. Although the media in Pakistan is becoming supportive towards women in their struggle against discrimination and cases of violence against women are reported more frequently, the existing and at times growing shades of bias and insensitivity need to be examined.
Anmerkungen
Sichter
(SleepyHollow02) Schumann

[17.] Af/Fragment 036 20 - Diskussion
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Erstellt: 4. March 2017, 23:28 (Graf Isolan)
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In examining gender patterns in the Pakistani media, one needs to analyse the participation and position of women in the media, and the impact of those positions, on women’s development. In the 57-year history of Pakistan, no woman has ever been editor of an Urdu newspaper and only one woman (Dr. Maleeha Lodhi - The Muslim) has been editor of any English daily. The official wire service APP has never had a woman Director General. The Herald was the only English political monthly that had a woman editor as well as a predominantly female staff. In Urdu and regional language press (that captures more than 80% of the newspaper market), there are very few women workers. The state-controlled Pakistan Television Corporation has had one woman reaching the top position of Managing Director and another woman that of Director Programmes. But state-owned Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation has never had a woman as Director General. The many, new private television and radio channels have no doubt employed many young women as reporters and DJs, but this is where it all stops (T. Ahmar: 2004).

It is felt that reporting on violence against women that includes domestic and institutional atrocities needs much improvement. The women in the cases of rape are the worst victims. A lot of newspapers report with a bias against these women and reinforce the existing non-supportive attitude of the society towards women. No wonder then that the official reaction to rape continues to be that of accusation towards women. As for television coverage of rape and other forms of violence against women, it is noted with much resentment that many a times these victims of violent acts are put through double humiliation with extensive and most of the times unnecessary coverage.

In examining gender patterns in South Asian and particularly in the Pakistani media, we need to analyse the participation and position of women in the media, and the impact of those positions, on women’s development. [...] For example, in the 54-year history of Pakistan, no woman has ever been editor of an Urdu newspaper and only one woman (Dr. Maleeha Lodhi - The Muslim) has been editor of any English daily. The official wire service APP has never had a woman Director General. The Herald was the only English political monthly that had a woman editor as well as a predominantly female staff. This group later resigned en masse from Herald and brought out another political/social magazine The Newsline. In Urdu and regional language press (that captures more than 80% of the newspaper market), there are very few women workers. The state-controlled Pakistan Television Corporation has had one woman reaching the top position of Managing Director and another woman that of Director Programmes. But state-owned Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation has never had a woman as Director General. The many, new private television and radio channels have no doubt employed many young women as reporters and DJs, but this is where it all stops.

[...]

Covering Crime

It is felt that reporting on violence against women that includes domestic and institutional atrocities needs much improvement. The women in the cases of rape are the worst victims. A lot of newspapers report with a bias against these women and reinforce the existing non-supportive attitude of the society towards women. No wonder then that the official reaction to rape continues to be that of accusation towards women. As for television coverage of rape and other forms of violence against women, it is noted with much resentment that many a times these victims of violent acts are put through double humiliation with extensive and most of the times unnecessary coverage.

Anmerkungen

Almost identical, only the year of the founding of Pakistan is updated. However, the source (2004) states 54 years, the 2005 thesis states 57 years. Neither date matches, Pakistan achieved own dominion in 1947. Although the original author is named nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[18.] Af/Fragment 037 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. March 2017, 22:45 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 10. March 2017, 06:14 (SleepyHollow02)
Af, Ahmar 2004, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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[This is most] evident in cases where high government officials are shown visiting the place of crime and sympathizing with the victims and the families.

There is a marked increase in women’s magazines focusing heavily on the domestic side of women and the intellectual qualities of women are mentioned nowhere. Their abilities as equal partners in developments are lost between cooking oils and fairness creams. The lower to middle and upper class women are being brainwashed to either perform their reproductive duties rather than productive ones or put their physical beauty on top priority. Some of these magazines and digests are also supporting the reactionary views that if women remain within the confines of their homes and stay out of public life, so many of our social ills would be overcome. The same trend can be witnessed in the ever increasing numbers of teleplays that focus on women being the focal point of domestic peace and harmony.

The media in Pakistan has no problems while exposing physical and sexual features of women but is reluctant to bring forward issues of HIV/AIDS, sexual harassment, sex and flesh trade, trafficking on the pretext of obscenity. This is regardless the fact that each one of these issues is directly linked with poverty, women’s inferior position in the society and denial of basic human rights.

Pakistani media, specially the Urdu and regional language press, indulges in a particular kind of gender-insensitive behavior whereby the language used is not only abusive and sexist, but also extremely judgmental, lacking any investigative or analytical value. While the print media accuses the woman of all sins: ‘Kanwari Maan ne Gunahoon ka bojh kooray key dher par phaink diya’ (virgin mother throws her burden of sins on a garbage dump), saat bachoon ki ma aashna key sath bagh gayi (mother of seven elopes with lover), many teleplays are using biased language like: ‘aurat to hoti hi Naqasul Aqal hey, (a woman is intellectually inferior), baiti ka bojh jatni jaldi uttar jayey uttna hi acha hey (the burden of a daughter needs to be taken off as quickly as possible) etc. These remarks and statements continue to victimize women and reinforce already existing negative images.

In all these years, Pakistan has not been able to come up with a consistent media policy. It varies from mild liberalism to rigid orthodoxy. Ironically, each change has had an impact on women and their development. We have witnessed women getting a greater exposure in some regimes than others. Although the state-policies are only applicable on the electronic media, the print media has also been greatly impacted by the shifts and changes in the way women are projected. The increasing shades of violence and glamour on the electronic media can be seen spilling over into the print media.

This is most evident in cases where high government officials are shown visiting the place of crime and sympathising with the victims and the families.

Stereotypical images

There is a marked increase in women’s magazines that are home, kitchen and fashion-based. These magazines are focusing heavily on the domestic side of women and trying to prove that every woman needs to be a perfect cook, a tailor, and housekeeper and also be beautiful. The intellectual qualities of women are mentioned nowhere. Their abilities as equal partners in developments are lost between cooking oils and fairness creams. [...] The lower to middle and upper class women are being brainwashed to either perform their reproductive duties rather than productive ones or put their physical beauty on top priority. Some of these magazines and digests are also supporting the reactionary views that if women remain within the confines of their homes and stay out of public life, so many of our social ills would be overcome. The same trend can be witnessed in the ever increasing numbers of teleplays that focus on women being the focal point of domestic peace and harmony.

Hypocrisy in media portrayal

The media in Pakistan has no problems while exposing physical and sexual features of women but is reluctant to bring forward issues of HIV/AIDS, sexual harassment, sex and flesh trade, trafficking on the pretext of obscenity. This is regardless the fact that each one of these issues is directly linked with poverty, women’s inferior position in the society and denial of basic human rights. [...]


Use of derogatory language

Pakistani media, specially the Urdu and regional language press, indulges in a particular kind of gender-insensitive behavior whereby the language used is not only abusive and sexist, but also extremely judgmental, lacking any investigative or analytical value. While the print media accuses the woman of all sins: ‘Kanwari Maan ne Gunahoon ka bojh kooray key dher par phaink diya’ (virgin mother throws her burden of sins on a garbage dump), saat bachoon ki ma aashna key sath bagh gayi (mother of seven elopes with lover), many teleplays are using biased language like: ‘aurat to hoti hi Naqasul Aqal hey, (a woman is intellectually inferior), baiti ka bojh jatni jaldi uttar jayey uttna hi acha hey (the burden of a daughter needs to be taken off as quickly as possible) etc. These remarks and statements continue to victimize women and reinforce already existing negative images.

Absence of gender-sensitive media policies

[...] Thus, in all these years, Pakistan has not been able to come up with a consistent media policy. It varies from mild liberalism to rigid orthodoxy. Ironically, each change has had an impact on women and their development. We have witnessed women getting a greater exposure in some regimes than others. [...] Although the state-policies are only applicable on the electronic media, the print media has also been greatly impacted by the shifts and changes in the way women are projected. The increasing shades of violence and glamour on the electronic media can be seen spilling over into the print media.

Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), WiseWoman

[19.] Af/Fragment 038 10 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 13. March 2017, 13:02 Schumann
Erstellt: 7. March 2017, 02:23 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Vanhanen 2004, Verschleierung

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It has been very difficult for Pakistan’s political system to become adapted to the requirements of ethnic bias. Since the beginning, Pakistan has been an Islamic state (Ahmed 1993), but its political system is not sufficiently well adapted to linguistic, regional, and other cleavages within the Muslim majority. All major ethnic groups are politically mobilized in Pakistan, which has increased the frequency of conflicts. Many ethnic conflicts24 since independence reflect the failure of the country’s political system to satisfy the aspirations of ethnic groups.

Although attempts were made to regulate ethnic relations through democratic institutions (ethnic provinces and political parties), but democratic institutions failed several times, and ethnic relations have degenerated into violent clashes and separatist movements.


24 The Pashtuns have occasionally rebelled and demanded Pashtunistan, which would include Pashtun areas of Afghanistan, too. Ethnic conflicts in Baluchistan have been more violent than in the NWFP. The Balouch tribes have rebelled against the Pakistani government since 1947. They have demanded greater regional autonomy, or independence. The most serious ethnic conflict has occured in Sindh, where the two major ethnic groups (Sindhis and Muhajirs) struggle for hegemony and territories. The Sindhis do not want to lose the control of their own region to Muhajirs and oppose them (Singh 1986; Ahmed 1993; Europe 2003: 3194-3206; Freedom House 2003: 423-428).


Ahmed, I., 1993: Ethnicity and separatist movements in South Asia, In: H. Lindholm (ed.), The Europe World Year Book 2003, Europe Publications, London and New York.

Freedom, House, 2003: Freedom in the world 2003, A. Karatnycky / A. Piano / A. Puddington (eds.), New York.

Singh, U., 1986: Ethnic conflicts in Pakistan: Sindh as a Factor in Pakistani Politics, In: U. Phadnis, S. D. Muni, and K. Bahadur (eds.), Domestic Conflicts in South Asia. Volume 2: Economic end Ethnic Dimensions, South Asian Publishers, New Delhi.

[page 11]

Pakistan

It has been very difficult for Pakistan's political system to become adapted to the requirements of ethnic nepotism. Since the beginning, Pakistan has been an Islamic state, and discrimination against non-Muslims is built into the system (Ahmed 1993), but its political system is not sufficiently well adapted to linguistic, regional, and other cleavages within the Muslim majority. Unlike Nepal, all major ethnic groups are politically mobilized in Pakistan, which has increased the frequency of conflicts. Many ethnic conflicts since independence reflect the failure of the country's political system to satisfy the aspirations of ethnic groups.

The Pashtuns have occasionally rebelled and demanded Pashtunistan, which would include Pashtun areas of Afghanistan, too. Ethnic conflicts in Baluchistan have been more violent than in the NWFP. The Baluch tribes have rebelled against the Pakistani government since 1947. They have demanded greater regional autonomy, or independence. The most serious ethnic conflict has occured in Sind, where the two major ethnic groups (Sindhis and Mujahirs) struggle for hegemony and territories. [...] The Sindhis does not want to lose the control of their own region to Mujahirs and oppose

[page 12]

them. Some rebellious Sindhi groups have demanded independence (see Singh 1986; Ahmed 1993; Europa 2003: 3194-3206; Freedom House 2003: 423-428).


[page 14]

In Pakistan, attempts were made to regulate ethnic relations through democratic institutions (ethnic provinces and political parties), but democratic institutions failed several times, and ethnic relations have degenerated into violent clashes and separatist movements.


Ahmed, I, 1993. "Ethnicity and Separatist Movements in South Asia," in H. Lindholm (ed.), Ethnicity and Nationalism. Formation of Identity and Dynamics of Conflict in the 1990s. Göteborg: Nordens.

The Europa World Year Book 2003. 2003. London and New York: Europa Publications.

Freedom House. 2003. Freedom in the World 2003. Edited by Adrian Karatnycky, Aili Piano, and Arch Puddington. New York: Freedom House.

Singh, Uma. 1986. "Ethnic Conflicts in Pakistan: Sind as a Factor in Pakistani Politics," in Urmila Phadnis, S.D. Muni, and Kalim Bahadur (eds), Domestic Conflicts in South Asia. Volume 2: Economic end Ethnic Dimensions. New Delhi: South Asian Publishers.

Anmerkungen

Nothing has been marked as a citation.

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(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[20.] Af/Fragment 039 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 12. March 2017, 21:15 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 8. March 2017, 13:31 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Asian Development Bank 2000, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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The constitution of Pakistan placed no restriction on women’s participation in politics; nevertheless, their presence in the political parties as well as in the political structure at the local, provisional and national levels remains insignificant due to cultural and structural barriers. The Constitution of Pakistan places no restriction on women's participation in politics; nevertheless, their presence in the political parties as well as in the political structure at the local, provincial, and national levels remains insignificant due to cultural and structural barriers (Box 5).
Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

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(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[21.] Af/Fragment 041 02 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 10. March 2017, 11:18 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 6. March 2017, 01:23 (Graf Isolan)
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4 Theoretical Constructs of Women’s Status and Work

Theoretical and empirical literature supports the view that women’s status is multidimensional in nature because a woman’s status comprises multiple characteristics of the woman, and her relationship with others. It is impossible to capture the influence and understand women’s status through a single measure. Dimensions including but not limited to freedom of movement access to financial and non-financial resources, decision-making autonomy and gender attitude, freedom from fear and coercion and equality in her relationship with her partner are arguably important. (Federici; Mason; Sogner: 1993) Empirical studies of women’s status in South Asia support the multidimensionality and little correlation with each other (Blak [sic]: 1994; Jejeebhoy: Kazi; Sathar: 1996). Moreover, concurrently examining multi-dimensions of women’s status informs us about the pathways through which women’s status operates on demographic outcomes (Mason: 1993/ 1998).


Balk, D., 1994: Individual and community aspects of women’s status and fertility in rural Bangladesh, Population Studies, 48 (1): 21-45.

Federici, N. / Mason, K. / Sogner, S., 1993: Women’s position and demographic change, Oxford UK, Clarendon Press.

Jejeebhoy, S., 1996: Women’s autonomy and reproductive behaviour in India: Linkages and influences of socio-cultural context in comparative perspective on fertility transition in south Asia, Liêg Belgien Vol. 1: 20-27.

Kazi S. / Sather Z., 1996: Explaining fertility in rural Punjab, The role of gender and development, Paper presented at the IUSSP conference on comparative perspective on fertility transition in south Asia, Rawalpindi, Pakistan.

Mason, K., 1998: Wives economic decision making power in the family: The changing family in comparative perspective Asia and the United States, Honolulu, East West center: 105-133.

Mason, K., 1993: The impact of women’s position on demographic change during the course of development, Oxford UK, Clarendon Press: 19-42.

First, theoretical and empirical literature supports the view that women’s status is multidimensional in nature. Because a woman’s status comprises multiple characteristics of the woman and her relationships with others, it is impossible to capture the influence of and understand women’s status through a single measure. Dimensions including, but not limited to, freedom of movement, access to financial and nonfinancial resources, decisionmaking autonomy, gender attitudes, freedom from fear and coercion, and equality in her relationship with her partner are arguably important but distinct aspects of a woman’s position in relation to men, other family members, and other women (Federici, Mason, and Sogner 1993; Mason 1993). Empirical studies of women’s status in South Asia support this multidimensionality and demonstrate that various aspects of women’s status have different determinants and little correlation with each other (Balk 1994, 1997; Jejeebhoy 1996; Kazi and Sathar 1996; Mason 1998). Moreover, concurrently examining multiple dimensions of women’s status informs us about the pathways through which women’s status operates on demographic outcomes (Mason 1993).

Balk, Deborah. 1994. “Individual and community aspects of women’s status and fertility in rural Bangladesh,” Population Studies 48(1): 21–45.

———. 1997. “Defying gender norms in rural Bangladesh: A social demographic analysis,” Population Studies 51: 153–172.

Federici, Nora, Karen Oppenheim Mason, and Sølvi Sogner. 1993. “Introduction,” in Nora Federici, Karen Oppenheim Mason, and Sølvi Sogner (eds.), Women’s Position and Demographic Change. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, pp. 1–15.

Jejeebhoy, Shireen J. [...]

———. 1996. “Women’s autonomy and reproductive behaviour in India: Linkages and influence of sociocultural context,” in Comparative Perspectives on Fertility Transition in South Asia, vol. 1. Liège, Belgium: IUSSP, pp. 20–27.

Kazi, Shahnaz and Zeba A. Sathar. 1996. “Explaining fertility in rural Punjab: The role of gender and development,” paper presented at the IUSSP conference on Comparative Perspectives on Fertility Transition in South Asia, Rawalpindi, Pakistan, 17–19 December.

Mason, Karen Oppenheim. [...]

———. 1993. “The impact of women’s position on demographic change during the course of development,” in Nora Federici, Karen Oppenheim Mason, and Sølvi Sogner (eds.), Women’s Position and Demographic Change. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, pp. 19–42.

———. 1998. “Wives’ economic decision-making power in the family: Five Asian countries,” in Karen Oppenheim Mason, Noriko O. Tsuya, and Minja Kim Choe (eds.), The Changing Family in comparative Perspective: Asia and the United States. Honolulu, HI: East-West Center, pp. 105–133.

Anmerkungen

Nothing has been marked as a citation.

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(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[22.] Af/Fragment 041 14 - Diskussion
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Quelle: Randall 1987
Seite(n): 15, 20, 21, 25, 26, Zeilen: 15:2-3.16-18; 20:29-31.(38-37); 21:(11-16),17-18; 25:40-26:1ff.
Is male dominance universal? Have men exercised disproportionate power over women in all known societies to date? The thesis of universal male dominance, whether upheld by feminists or by anti-feminists, is supported by a substantial body of scholarship, much of which is anthropological. Whatever term is used - male dominance, male supremacy or patriarchy - it stands for a far-reaching social subordination of women. There are three main theses in explaining women’s oppression: those that attribute it to biology, to culture and to the economic system. However, the oldest and most obvious explanation for women’s oppression is the biological differences between men and women. Women have been made dependent upon their men-folk through their biological vulnerability associated with menstruation, the menopause and other female ills such as constant painful childbirth, wet-nursing and the care of the infants. [page 15]

Women's place in society

Is male dominance universal? Have men exercised disproportionate power over women in all known societies to date? [...]

The thesis of universal male dominance, whether upheld by feminists or by anti-feminists, is supported by a substantial body of scholarship. Much of this is anthropological. [...]

[page 20]

Whatever term we use - male dominance, male supremacy or patriarchy - it stands for a far-reaching social subordination of women. [...]

The subordination of women has been explained in an enormous variety of ways, [...]

[page 21]

Therefore, although I have divided the following discussions of explanations of male dominance into those emphasizing biology, culture and the economic system respectively, this is for reasons of intelligibility and is not intended to imply that these elements are either easily defined or independent of each other.

Anatomy as destiny

The oldest, and most obvious, explanation for women’s oppression is the biological differences between men and women. [...]

[page 25]

First, women have been made dependent upon their menfolk through

[page 26]

their biological vulnerability associated with menstruation, the menopause and other 'female ills', constant painful childbirth, wet-nursing and the care of the infants.

Anmerkungen

Although (nearly) every sentence nearly identically stems from Randall (1987) nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[23.] Af/Fragment 044 17 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 13. March 2017, 12:56 Schumann
Erstellt: 6. March 2017, 00:41 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung, Young 1974

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Untersuchte Arbeit:
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Quelle: Young 1974
Seite(n): 1 (Internetversion), Zeilen: -
Harry Braverman in his book ‘Labour and Monopoly Capital: The Degradation of Work in the Twentieth Century’ (1974) writes that the labour process has become the responsibility of the capitalist (Braverman 1974: 57). The worker suffers the progressive alienation of the process of production, while the capitalist gets to decide what to do with it. That’s the basis for the development of a profession called ‘management’ and the progressive refinement of the division of labour, both of which determine what the firm does with the workers’ labour power. And, of course, they do what is most efficient for the production of capital, while the worker fights holding actions on wages and conditions of work. According to him, the more work is centralised, the more items are mass-produced, and the more science and technology get built into the machines and procedures, the more interchangeable workers become and the less control they have (Ibid. 227).

Due to the scientific-technological revolution based on the systematic use of science for the more rapid transformation of labour power into capital, a new occupational distribution of the employed population, creation of mass occupations and change of working class results.

BRAVERMAN’S LABOUR AND MONOPOLY CAPITAL

by Robert M. Young

[...]

[...] 'Having been forced to sell their labour power to another, the workers also surrender their interest in the labour process, which has now been "alienated". The labour process has become the responsibility of the capitalist.' (57) The worker suffers the progressive alienation of the process of production, while the capitalist gets to decide what to do with it. That's the basis for the development of a profession called 'management' and the progressive refinement of the division of labour, both of which determine what the firm does with the workers' labour power. And, of course, they do what is most efficient for the production of capital, while the worker fights holding actions on wages and conditions of work. [...]

[...]

[...] The more work is centralised, the more items are mass-produced, and the more science and technology get built into the machines and procedures, the more interchangeable workers become and the less control they have. [...] (227) [...]

[...]

[...] And the scientific-technical revolution, based on the systematic use of science for the more rapid transformation of labour power into capital, also begins, as we have indicated, at the same time.


Braverman, Labour and Monopoly Capital: The Degradation of Work in the Twentieth Century. New York & London: Monthly Review Press, 1974. Pp. xiv+465.

Anmerkungen

Af describes the contents of Braverman (1974) in the words of a review from 1974. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[24.] Af/Fragment 046 10 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 20. March 2017, 00:32 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 13. March 2017, 17:59 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, Mirza 1999, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Seite: 46, Zeilen: 10-13
Quelle: Mirza 1999
Seite(n): 189, Zeilen: 24-29
There are numerous studies of markets that have been conducted in Western societies in the course of the resurgence of economic sociology that pointed out the social and cultural embedded-ness of economic action and processes; however, only a few analyses concerning the embeddedness of markets in non-Western societies exists [sic] so far. Numerous studies of markets that have been conducted in Western societies in the course of the resurgence of economic sociology have pointed out the embeddedness of economic action and processes [e.g., Callon (ed) (1998); Smelser and Swedberg (1994); Hirschman (1993); Swedberg (ed) (1993)]. However, only a few analyses concerning the embeddedness of markets in non-Western societies exist so far.5

5 One exception is Dore’s study (1994) about the sentiments of friendship and the sense of personal obligations that accrue between economic actors in Japan and their effects on the structure of the economy.

Anmerkungen

No source given; nothing has been marked as a citation.

Where Mirza gives concrete examples, Af's statements remain nebulous, since she has cut away all the references.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[25.] Af/Fragment 047 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 20. March 2017, 00:36 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 13. March 2017, 17:42 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, Mirza 1999, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Seite(n): 190, Zeilen: 3-6
It has been pointed out by feminist economists that gender relations (and gender inequalities) are reflected in the market and influences the way economic processes take place (Cagatay 1995:1827f; Elson 1993a:545; Elson 1995:1864).

Cagatay, Nillüfer [sic] et.al. (eds.), 1995: Gender adjustment and macroeconomics, World Development (special issue), vol. 23 No 11.

Cagatay, Nillüfer [sic] et.al, 1995: Introduction in ibid. (eds.), pp.1827-1838.

Elson, D., 1993a: Feministische Ansätze in der Entwicklungsökomomie [sic], in: Prokla, Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft, vol. 23, No 4, pp. 529-550.

Elson, D., 1995: Gender awareness in modelling structure [sic] adjustment, in: Nilfür [sic] Cagatay et.al. (eds.), pp. 1851-1868.

It has, for instance, been pointed out by feminist economists that gender relations (and gender inequalities) are reflected in the market and influence the way economic processes take place [Cagatay (1995:1827f); Elson (1993:545); Elson (1995:1864)].

Cagatay, Nilüfer et al. (1995) Introduction. In Nilüfer Cagatay et al. (eds) Gender, Adjustment and Macroeconomics. World Development (Special Issue) 23:11 1827–1838.

Elson, Diane (1993) Feministische Ansätze in der Entwicklungsökonomie. Prokla, Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 23:4 529–550.

Elson, Diane (1995) Gender Awareness in Modelling Structural Adjustment. In Nilüfer Cagatay et al. (eds) Gender, Adjustment and Macroeconomics. World Development (Special Issue) 23:11 1851–1868.

Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Every reference given here by Af contains an error.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[26.] Af/Fragment 047 19 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 1. April 2017, 12:26 Schumann
Erstellt: 1. April 2017, 08:57 (Graf Isolan)
Af, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Pakistan Economic Survey 2004-2005, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 47, Zeilen: 19-30
Quelle: Pakistan Economic Survey 2004-2005
Seite(n): 141, 142, Zeilen: 141: 4.6.10-11.12-13.18-19; 142: 16-19
5.1 The structure of the female employment in Pakistan

Pakistan’s population has grown at an average rate of 3 percent per annum since 1951 and until the mid 1980’s. Since 2000-01 Pakistan’s population is growing at an average rate of almost 2 percent per annum only. Had Pakistan’s population grown at an average rate of 2 percent per annum since 1959-60, Pakistan’s per capita income would have been $ 1083 rather than $ 736. During the last 50 years, Pakistan’s population has increased from 33 million to 152.53 million in 2004-05; thus making Pakistan the 7th most populous country in the world (LFS 2003-04). Since, Pakistan is on the favourable end of the population spectrum. Thus, an increase in population consequently leads to an increase in labour force as well. This is evident from Pakistan’s labour force figure of 45.76 million in 2004 as compared to total labour force figure of 40.49 million in 2000; there is an increase of 5.27 million working hands in Pakistan.


Government of Pakistan 2005: Labour force survey 2003-04, Federal Bureau of Statistics, Statistics Division, Islamabad.

[page 141]

POPULATION, LABOUR FORCE & EMPLOYMENT

Pakistan’s population has grown at an average rate of 3 percent per annum since 1951 and until mid 1980’s. [...] However, since 2000-01 Pakistan’s population is growing at an average rate of almost 2 percent per annum. [...] Had Pakistan’s population grown at an average rate of 2 percent per annum since 1959-60, Pakistan’s per capita income would have been Rs. 64366 today as against Rs. 43748. [...] Furthermore, Pakistan’s per capita income in dollar term would have been $ 1083 rather than $ 736.

[...] During the last 50 years, Pakistan’s population has increased from 33 million to 152.53 million in 2004-05. Thus making Pakistan the 7th most populous country in the world.

[page 142]

Since, Pakistan is on the favorable end of the population spectrum. Thus, an increase in population consequently leads to an increase in labour force as well. This is evident from Pakistan’s labour force figure of 45.76 million in 2004 as compared to total labour force figure of 40.49 million in 2000; there is an increase of 5.27 million working hands in Pakistan.

Anmerkungen

Af kind of names her source (cp. comments on this reference in source: Pakistan Economic Survey 2004-2005). Nevertheless, nothing has been marked as a citation, and it is not clear, that after the reference the text still stems from the same source (and not from Af).

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[27.] Af/Fragment 048 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 20. March 2017, 00:37 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 13. March 2017, 18:34 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, Mirza 1999, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Seite: 48, Zeilen: 1-6, 101-104
Quelle: Mirza 1999
Seite(n): 187, Zeilen: 19-22
Through systematically analyzing the earlier labour force surveys, it is evident that the female participation rate in the labour force in Pakistan is one of the lowest worldwide. In the labour force survey 1996-97 informal sector activities had been included for the first time, the crude labour force participation rate for women in urban areas was only 59%,30 with 53.3% of the urban female workforce being engaged in the formal sector activities (Government of Pakistan 1998d).31

30 The crude labour force participation rate is defined as the percentage of the persons in labour force in respect to the total population. The refined labour force participation rate, which is 8.4% for women in Pakistan, is defined as the percentage of persons in the labour force in respect to the population 10 years of age and above.

31 In the Labour Force survey 1994-95, which does not include informal activities, the labour force participation rate for women was 4.97 % (Government of Pakistan 1998b).


Government of Pakistan, 1998b: Economic survey 1997-98, Finance division, Advisor’s wing, Islamabad, Pakistan.

Government of Pakistan 1998d: Labour force survey 1996-97, Federal Bureau of Statistics, Statistics Division Karachi: The Manager of Publications.

INTRODUCTION

The participation rate of women in the labour force of Pakistan is one of the lowest worldwide. The crude labour force participation rate for women in urban areas is only 5.9 percent,1 with 55.3 percent of their urban workforce engaged in informal sector activities [Pakistan (1998)].


1 The crude labour force participation rate is defined as the percentage of persons in the labour force in respect to the total population. The refined labour force participation rate, which is 8.4 percent for women in urban Pakistan, is defined as the percentage of persons in the labour force in respect to the population 10 years of age and above.


Pakistan, Government of (1998) Labour Force Survey 1996-97. Karachi: Federal Bureau of Statistics, Statistics Division, The Manager of Publications.

Anmerkungen

The wording is as in Mirza (1999), but nothing has been marked as a citation.

"only 5.9%" in the original text becomes "only 59%" in Af. The other number given by Af does not match either - however it is to be interpreted.

Neither is there a "Government of Pakistan, 1998a" nor a "Government of Pakistan, 1998c" in Af's references.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[28.] Af/Fragment 048 21 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 1. April 2017, 12:44 Schumann
Erstellt: 1. April 2017, 10:56 (Graf Isolan)
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Quelle: Pakistan Economic Survey 2004-2005
Seite(n): 146, Zeilen: 27-34, 38-41
From the table 1 we can decipher that Pakistan’s total labour force has increased by 4.38 million in 2004-05 as compared to 2001-02. Similarly, the number of people employed has also registered an increase of 2.87 million (7.4 percent), whereas unemployment has only increased by 0.3 million. This in fact points towards the successful employment generation policies of the present government of General Musharraf.

According to the to date Labour Force Survey (LFS 2003-04), the overall labour force participation rate (CAR) is 30.41 percent (48.74 percent of males and 11.16 percent of females). CAR was 28.7 percent in 1996-97 increased to 29.4 percent in 1997-98 but later declined to 29 percent in 1999-00. It has increased to 29.61 percent in 2001-02 and finally to 30.4 percent in 2003-04.


Government of Pakistan 2005: Labour force survey 2003-04, Federal Bureau of Statistics, Statistics Division, Islamabad.

[page 146]

From the table 13.3 we can decipher that Pakistan’s total labour force has increased by 4.38 million in 2004-05 as compared to 2001-02. Similarly, the number of people employed has also registered an increased [sic] of 2.87 million (7.4 percent). Whereas unemployment has only increased by 0.3 million. This in fact points towards the successful employment generation policies of the government.

Labour Force Participation Rate

[...] According to the Labour Force Survey 2003-04 the overall labour force participation rate (CAR) is 30.41 percent (48.74 percent of males and 11.16 percent of females). CAR was 28.7 percent in 1996-97 increased to 29.4 percent in 1997-98 but later declined to 29 percent in 1999-00. It has increased to 29.61 percent in 2001-02 and finally to 30.4 percent in 2003-04.

Anmerkungen

Af kind of names her source (cp. comments on this reference in Pakistan Economic Survey 2004-2005). Nevertheless, nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[29.] Af/Fragment 049 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 3. April 2017, 12:40 Schumann
Erstellt: 3. April 2017, 10:56 (Graf Isolan)
Af, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Pakistan Economic Survey 2004-2005, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 49, Zeilen: 1 ff. (complete page)
Quelle: Pakistan Economic Survey 2004-2005
Seite(n): 146, 147-148, Zeilen: 146: table 13.3; 147: 1-20.25-27 - 148: 1-12
[Similarly, RAR was 43 percent in 1996-97, increased] to 43.3 percent in 1997-98, decreased to 42.8 percent in 1999-00 and has increased to 43.3 percent in 2002-03 and further to 43.7 percent in 2003-04.

Table 1

Civilian Labor Force, Employed and Unemployed for Pakistan (No. in million)
  1999-2000 2001-02 2003-04
Labor Force 39.4 42.39 45.23
Employed 36.32 38.88 41.75
Unemployed 3.08 3.51 3.48
Source: Labor Force Survey 2001-02 and 2003-04

A comparison of male and female participation rates reveals that the labour force participation rates for females have been increasing over the years and it has increased from 13.72 percent in 1999-00 to 15.93 percent in 2003-04. Multiple factors like increased awareness, better educatinal [sic] opportunities, equal employment opportunities, changing social attitudes, etc are responsible for this. But it still remains less than the male activity rate, which means that their participation in economic activities is also low. On the other hand, male participation rate has seldom wavered and has generally remained steady since the early 90’s.

It is estimated that the agricultural sector has absorbed 17.97 million of the total employed labour force33 (see table 2). On the whole, an increase has been observed in almost all-major industries/sectors gender neutrally. Sector wise break up of employed labour force shows that female labour force participation is on the up for most sectors especially agriculture and fishery workers. It is important to note that the employment of the rural females increased despite a considerable rise in female labour force participation rate. The increase in rural female employment was mainly in the category of unpaid family helpers, which may be due to enhanced growth rates in agriculture in recent years or due to the combined efforts of various NGOs. The distribution of female labour force by major sectors also supports the view that employment gains are concentrated in female unpaid workers, as the largest increase in the female employment is seen in agriculture and allied industries. On the other hand, the increase in urban female employment is mainly in community services, manufacturing and construction industries. Similarly occupational distribution of urban females shows employment increase in the category of unskilled, craft and trade related workers.


33 The employed labour force is defined as all persons of ten years and above who worked at least one hour during the reference period and were either “paid employees or “self-employed””. Based on this definition, the total number of the employed labour force in 2005 is estimated at 43.22 million compared to 42.24 million in 2004. The total number of employed persons in rural areas has increased from 28.98 million in 2004 to 29.65 million in 2005. Similarly, urban employment increased from 14.69 million in 2004 to 15.03 million in 2005. In 2003-04, rural employment (1.98 million increase) has increased more than urban employment (0.89 million). Whereas total employment has also risen considerably from last year (0.71 million increase) (LFS, 2003-04).


Government of Pakistan 2005: Labour force survey 2003-04, Federal Bureau of Statistics, Statistics Division, Islamabad.

[page 146]


Table 13.3 Civilian Labor Force, Employed and Unemployed for Pakistan (No. in million)
  1999-2000 2001-02 2003-04
Labor Force 39.4 42.39 45.23
Employed 36.32 38.88 41.75
Unemployed 3.08 3.51 3.48
Source: Labor Force Survey 2001-02 and 2003-04


[page 147]

Similarly, RAR was 43 percent in 1996-97, increased to 43.3 percent in 1997-98, decreased to 42.8 percent in 1999-00 and has increased to 43.3 percent in 2002-03 and further to 43.7 percent in 2003-04.

A comparison of male and female participation rates reveals that the labour force participation rates for females have been increasing over the years and it has increased from 13.72 percent in 1999-00 to 15.93 percent in 2003-04. Multiple factors like increased awareness, better educational opportunities, equal employment opportunities, changing social attitudes, etc are responsible for this. But it still remains less than the male activity rate, which means that their participation in economic activities is also low. On the other hand, male participation rate has seldom wavered and has generally remained steady since the early 90’s.

Employment Situation

The employed labour force is defined as all persons of ten years and above who worked at least one hour during the reference period and were either “paid employees or “self-employed””. Based on this definition, the total number of the employed labour force in 2005 is estimated at 43.22 million compared to 42.24 million in 2004. The total number of employed persons in rural areas has increased from 28.98 million in 2004 to 29.65 million in 2005. Similarly, urban employment increased from 14.69 million in 2004 to 15.03 million in 2005. [...] In 2003-04, rural employment (1.98 million increase) has increased more than urban employment (0.89 million). Whereas total employment has also risen considerably from last year (0.71 million increase).

[page 148]

Employed Labour Force by Sectors

The agricultural sector has absorbed 17.97 million of the total employed labour force. On the whole, an increase has been observed in almost all-major industries/sectors gender neutrally. Sector wise break up of employed labour force shows that female labour force participation is on the up for most sectors especially agriculture and fishery workers. It is important to note that the employment of the rural females increased despite a considerable rise in female Labour Force Participation Rate. The increase in rural female employment was mainly in the category of unpaid family helpers, which may be due to enhanced growth rates in agriculture in recent years or due to the combined efforts of various NGO. The distribution of female labour force by major sectors also supports the view that employment gains are concentrated in female unpaid workers, as the largest increase in the female employment is seen in Agriculture and allied industries. On the other hand, the increase in urban female employment is mainly in community services, manufacturing and construction industries. Similarly occupational distribution of urban females show employment increase in category of unskilled, craft and trade related workers.

Anmerkungen

Continued from previous page. Af kind of names her source (cp. comments on this reference in Pakistan Economic Survey 2004-2005). Nevertheless, nothing hints at this page having been taken verbatim from the source, since nothing has been marked as a citation.

Mark also that table 1 has been copied and not been quoted (see references therein).

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[30.] Af/Fragment 051 09 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. April 2017, 15:12 Schumann
Erstellt: 4. April 2017, 19:18 (Graf Isolan)
Af, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Pakistan Economic Survey 2004-2005, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite: 51, Zeilen: 9-17, table 3
Quelle: Pakistan Economic Survey 2004-2005
Seite(n): 148-149, Zeilen: 148: 13-19, table 13.7; 149: 1-2
Substantially a large portion of the country’s economic activity is in the hands of the informal sector; they employ 70 percent of Pakistan’s total labour force. Proportion of employed persons involved in the rural informal sector (73 percent) is higher as compared to that of urban areas (67 percent). As expected informal activities are more concentrated in urban areas (33 percent) as compared to rural areas (27 percent) (see table 3). Since informal activities are predominantly non-agrarian, male workers are relatively more concentrated in the informal sector both in rural and urban areas of the country. The informal sector is, therefore, not only the main engine of growth but it is also the main source of employment generation.

Table 3

Distribution of Labour Force (%)
Sector 2001-02 2003-04
Total Male Female Total Male Female
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Formal 35.4 35.3 37.0 30.0 29.6 34.3
Informal 64.6 64.7 63.0 70.0 70.4 65.7
Rural 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Formal 31.7 31.5 34.3 27.1 26.7 30.1
Informal 68.3 68.5 65.7 72.9 73.3 69.9
Urban 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Formal 38.9 38.9 39.3 32.8 32.2 38.4
Informal 61.1 61.1 60.7 67.2 67.8 61.6
Source: Labour Force Survey 2003-04

Government of Pakistan 2005: Labour force survey 2003-04, Federal Bureau of Statistics, Statistics Division, Islamabad.

[page 148]

Growth and the Informal Sector

Substantially large portion of the country’s economic activity is in the hands of the informal sector; they employ 70 percent of Pakistan’s total labour force. Proportion of employed person involved in rural informal sector (73 percent) is higher as compared to that of urban areas (67 percent). As expected informal activities are more concentrated in urban areas (33 percent) as compared to rural areas (27 percent). Since informal activities are predominantly non-agrarian, male workers are relatively more concentrated in informal sector both in rural and urban areas of the country.

Table 13.7 Distribution of Labour Force (%)
Sector 2001-02 2003-04
Total Male Female Total Male Female
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Formal 35.4 35.3 37.0 30.0 29.6 34.3
Informal 64.6 64.7 63.0 70.0 70.4 65.7
Rural 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Formal 31.7 31.5 34.3 27.1 26.7 30.1
Informal 68.3 68.5 65.7 72.9 73.3 69.9
Urban 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Formal 38.9 38.9 39.3 32.8 32.2 38.4
Informal 61.1 61.1 60.7 67.2 67.8 61.6
Source: Labour Force Survey 2003-04

[page 149]

Informal sector is, therefore, not only the main engine of growth but it is also the main source of employment generation.

Anmerkungen

Af kind of names her source but only for table 3 (cp. comments on this reference in Pakistan Economic Survey 2004-2005). Nevertheless, the text which has been taken verbatim has not been marked as a citation.

Sichter
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[31.] Af/Fragment 052 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 1. April 2017, 21:56 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 23. March 2017, 17:29 (Graf Isolan)
Af, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Pakistan Economic Survey 2004-2005, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite(n): 150, 151-152, Zeilen: 150: 5-11, 151: 3-5.8-10.21-26.27-31.39-40 - 152: 3-8.12-19
Furthermore, the overall unemployment rate has declined from 8.3 percent in 2001-02 to 7.7 percent in 2003-04, due to mainly steeper decline in women’s unemployment visà-vis that of men. Taking into account the decline in female unemployment in both rural and urban areas it can be said that this decline could be due to two reasons; females were able to get job opportunities or they withdrew from the labour force mainly because of “discourage phenomenon”. But female participation in the labour force has increased considerably over the last few years thus it appears that female unemployment reduced primarily due to expansion in job opportunities for females. Microfinance facilities, with some other governmental strategies,36 focusing on women particularly in [rural areas could be the major contributing factor for reduction in female unemployment rate.]

36 The Public Sector Development Programme (PSDP) for the current fiscal year 2004-05 has been increased to Rs. 202 billion, a 26 percent increase over last year’s PSDP of Rs 160 billion. Employer-led Skill Development Councils developed by Ministry of Labour Manpower and Overseas Pakistanis, have been established in all provinces to identify needs of geographical area, prioritize them on market demand and to facilitate the training of workers through training providers in public and private sectors. As a result of developmental efforts of the government, GDP growth rate has started picking up. It was 5.1 percent in 2002-03, increased to 6.4 percent in 2003-04 and is around 7 percent in 2004-05. On the other hand, the population growth rate, which was 1.99 percent in 2003-04, has declined to 1.9 percent in 2004-05. Both the parameters have helped to make dent in the unemployment situation as result of which the unemployment rate has declined from 8.3 percent in 2001-02 to 7.7 percent in 2003-04. Small and Medium Enterprises (SME) represent a signifying component of Pakistan’s economy in terms of value. They are highly labour intensive and provide employment to the bulk of the non-agricultural labour force. Realizing this constraint the government has opened two specialized non-credit banks namely, the SME Bank and Khushali Bank. The Small and Medium Enterprises Development Authority (SMEDA) is also actively developing programmes for managerial skill development and technical and informative support to the SMEs. Realizing the importance of microfinance in improving the lives of the poor people, the government has established Khushhali Bank in 2000 – a microfinance institution – under a public-private partnership program. In the next five years the outreach will increase to three million households. The Khushhali Bank alone has so far disbursed Rs.4.5 billion and nearly 33 percent of its clients are women. The services of these institutions will be the most effective instruments in improving the lives of the poor people in both urban and rural areas. The housing and construction sector provides substantial additional employment opportunities as it contributes through a higher multiplier effect with a host of beneficial forward and backward linkages in the economy. Many national and international real estate developers have launched or are launching large construction projects in Pakistan, which has further accelerated construction activity in the country. Pakistan Poverty Alleviating Fund (PPAF) was set up in April 2000 with an endowment of $ 100 million, as a wholesale lender to NGOs engaged in providing micro financing. PPAF, as of 31st Dec 2004, is present in 94 districts across Pakistan. Whereas, it has 52 partner organizations. So far it has made disbursements of Rs. 8.2 billion and it has around 7 million beneficiaries. The government has so far spent one thousand billion rupees on pro-poor sectors in the last five years (FBS, Labor Force Survey 2003-2004).

[page 150]

The table reveals that overall unemployment rate has declined from 8.3 percent in 2001-02 to 7.7 percent in 2003-04, due mainly to steeper decline in women’s unemployment vis-à-vis that of men. First take the decline in female unemployment in both rural and urban areas. This decline could be due to two reasons; females were able to get job opportunities or they withdrew from the labour force mainly because of “discourage phenomenon”. But female participation in the labour force has increased considerably over the last few years thus it appears that female unemployment reduced primarily due to expansion in job opportunities for females. Microfinance facilities focusing on women particularly in rural areas could be the major contributing factor for reduction in female unemployment rate.

[page 151]

Employment Promotion Policies

The Public Sector Development Programme (PSDP) for the current fiscal year 2004-05 has been increased to Rs. 202 billion, a 26 percent increase over last year’s PSDP of Rs 160 billion. [...]

Employer-led Skill Development Councils developed by Ministry of Labour Manpower and Overseas Pakistanis, have been established in all provinces to identify needs of geographical area, prioritise them on market demand and to facilitate the training of workers through training providers in public and private sectors. [...]

[...]

As a result of developmental efforts of the government, GDP growth rate has started picking up. It was 5.1 percent in 2002-03, increased to 604 percent in 2003-04 and is around 7 percent in 2004-05. On the other hand, the population growth rate, which was 1.99 percent in 2003-04, has declined to 1.9 percent in 2004-05. Both the parameters have helped to make dent in the unemployment situation as result of which the unemployment rate has declined from 8.3 percent in 2001-02 to 7.7 percent in 2003-04.

Small and Medium Enterprises (SME) represents a signifying component of Pakistan’s economy in terms of value. They are highly labour intensive and provide employment to the bulk of the non-agricultural labour force. [...] Realizing this constraint the government has opened two specialized non-credit banks namely, the SME Bank and Khushali Bank. The Small and Medium Enterprises Development Authority (SMEDA) is also actively developing programmes for managerial skill development and technical and informative support to the SMEs.

[...]

Realizing the importance of microfinance in improving the lives of the poor people, the government has established Khushhali Bank in 2000 – a microfinance institution – under a public-private partnership program. [...]

[page 152]

[...] In the next five years the outreach will increase to three million households. The Khushhali Bank alone has so far disbursed Rs.4.5 billion and nearly 33 percent of its clients are women. The services of these institutions will be the most effective instruments in improving the lives of the poor people in both urban and rural areas.

The housing and construction sector provide substantial additional employment opportunities as it contributes through a higher multiplier effect with a host of beneficial forward and backward linkages in the economy. [...] Many national and international real estate developers have launched or launching large construction projects in Pakistan, which has further accelerated construction activity in the country.

Pakistan Poverty Alleviating Fund (PPAF) was set up in April 2000 with an endowment of $ 100 million, as a wholesale lender to NGOs engaged in providing micro financing. PPAF, as of 31st Dec 2004, is present in 94 districts across Pakistan. Whereas, it has 52 partner organizations. So far it has made disbursements of Rs. 8.2 billion and it has around 7 million beneficiaries.

The government has so far spent one thousand billion rupees on pro-poor sectors in the last five years.

Anmerkungen

Af mentions a source at the very end of the footnote (see in particular comments on this reference in Pakistan Economic Survey 2004-2005), but the text is from a different, related source. Nevertheless, nothing has been marked as a citation although the text has been taken verbatim from the source.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[32.] Af/Fragment 053 13 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. April 2017, 15:30 Schumann
Erstellt: 4. April 2017, 20:33 (Graf Isolan)
Af, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, World Bank 1990

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Seite(n): 92-93, Zeilen: 92: 26-32.(38-45-93: 1-2)
5.3 The gendered structure of the informal sector

There is a distant [sic] difference between male and female informal labour markets. The male labour market spectrum includes, at one end, unskilled, marginal workers subsisting in such casual jobs as hawking and car washing and, at the other end, small-scale, family owned enterprises that are visible, efficient, and labour intensive. The informal labour market is organized along different lines, because women’s choice of activity is determined by the norms of female seclusion.

Work in which contact with males cannot be avoided is associated with loss of respect and diminished marriage prospects for single girls. Thus Pakistan’s informal urban labour market is highly segregated, even for a Muslim country. The workers, street vendors, market sellers, carpenters, mechanics, and barbers are almost exclusively male. Women are confined to being domestic servants (who work in a home when the master of the house is away at work and have dealings only with the mistress) or home-based workers (who stitch clothes, make lace, weave baskets, embroider, make food products and “bidis”; home made cigarettes, for sales by male family members or middleman) (World Bank 1989:55f)
[page 92]

10.12 There is a distinct difference between male and female informal labor markets. The male labor market spectrum includes, at one end, unskilled marginal workers subsisting in such casual jobs as hawking and car washing and, at the other end, small-scale, family owned enterprises that are viable, efficient, and labor-intensive. The informal female labor market is organized along different lines, because women's choice of activity is determined by the norms of female seclusion.

[...] Work in which contact with males cannot be avoided is associated with loss of respect and diminished marriage prospects for single girls. Thus Pakistan's urban informal labor market is highly segregated, even for a Muslim country. The workers, street vendors, market sellers, carpenters, mechanics, and barbers are almost exclusively male. Women are confined to being domestic servants (who work in a home mostly when the master of the house is away at work and have dealings only with the mistress) or home-based workers (who

[page 93]

stitch clothes, make lace, weave baskets, embroider, make food products and home-made cigarettes, etc., for sale by male family members or middlemen).

Anmerkungen

One part has been clearly marked as a citation (and is not counted) - although the page number is wrong - but another one, which has been taken verbatim, too, is not marked as a citation at all.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[33.] Af/Fragment 054 101 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 19. March 2017, 09:42 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 7. March 2017, 23:49 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, Pakistan Federal Bureau of Statistics 2004, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Quelle: Pakistan Federal Bureau of Statistics 2004
Seite(n): 8-9, Zeilen: 8:26ff.-9:1-2
38 According to the Resolution adopted by the 15th International Conference of Labour Statisticians (ICLS), the informal sector comprises units, such as households enterprises, engaged in the production of goods and services with the primary objective of generating employment and income to the persons concerned, not necessarily with the deliberate intention of evading the payment of taxes or other legislative or administrative provision. These units typically operate at a low level of organization, on a small scale, and with labour relations mostly based on casual employment. The assets used do not belong to the production units as such but to their owners. Expenditure for production is often indistinguishable from household expenditure. The units as such cannot engage in transactions or enter contracts with other units, nor incur liabilities. This concept of the informal sector is formulated into an operational definition based on three criterions, the first of which is essential (household enterprise), and the two others (size and registration), can be used optionally, alone or in combination. Given the ambiguity of the registration criterion in the circumstances of Pakistan, and the difficulty of obtaining reliable response on this item from household members, the definition of the informal sector in Pakistan is formulated in terms of the first two criteria, namely, household enterprise and size of employment. 11. Informal Sector: According to the Resolution adopted by the 15th International Conference of Labour Statisticians (ICLS), the informal sector comprises units, such as households enterprises, engaged in the production of goods and services with the primary objective of generating employment and income to the persons concerned, not necessarily with the deliberate intention of evading the payment of taxes or other legislative or administrative provision. These units typically operate at a low level of organization, on a small scale, and with labour relations mostly based on causal employment. The assets used do not belong to the production units as such but to their owners. Expenditure for production is often indistinguishable from household expenditure. The units as such cannot engage in transactions or enter contracts with other units, nor incur liabilities. This concept of the informal sector is formulated into an operational definition based on three criterions, the first of which is essential (household enterprise), and the two others (size and registration), can be used optionally, alone or in combination. Given the ambiguity of the registration criterion in the circumstances of Pakistan, and the difficulty of obtaining reliable response on this item from household members, the definition of the informal

[p. 9]

sector in Pakistan is formulated in terms of the first two criterion, namely, household enterprise and size of employment.

Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), WiseWoman

[34.] Af/Fragment 057 02 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. April 2017, 15:20 Schumann
Erstellt: 7. April 2017, 21:57 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Executive summary Pakistan Economic Survey 2004-05, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Quelle: Executive summary Pakistan Economic Survey 2004-05
Seite(n): 1 (internet resource), Zeilen: -
5.4 Women in education and training programs

Education is a key to change and progress;44 therefore, the Government of Pakistan has adopted this sector as one of the pillars for poverty reduction and benefit of masses.


44 The reasons for Pakistan’s low educational status are varied but one important factor is that Pakistan’s educational system has been highly fragmented and segmented. It has, therefore, created some intractable problems in the optimal utilization of human resources under the given labor market condition. Existing National Education Policy 1998-2010 was formulated keeping in view the prevailing problems in the society. The Government has initiated major administrative reforms, such as Devolution of Power and Education Sector Reforms. Moreover, Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and Education for All (EFAs) are the International policy concerns announced in 2000, which need to be properly reflected in our Policy. As such, the Ministry of Education has taken in hand an exercise to review the National Education Policy (1998-2010) for its updating to bring it in line with the current needs of the country. [...]

45 Overall literacy rate of 52 percent has increased by about two percentage points compared to that of Labour Force Survey (LFS), 2001-02.

Education

Education is key to change and progress, therefore, Government of Pakistan has adopted this sector as one of the pillars for poverty reduction and benefit of masses. Government is fully committed to provide best Educational Facilities to its people within the minimum possible time. The reasons for Pakistan’s low educational status are varied but one important factor is that Pakistan’s educational system has been highly fragmented and segmented. It has, therefore, created some intractable problems in the optimal utilization of human resources under the given labor market condition.

Existing National Education Policy 1998-2010 was formulated keeping in view the prevailing problems in the society. The Government has initiated major administrative reforms, such as Devolution of Power and Education Sector Reforms. Moreover, Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and Education For All (EFAs) are the International policy concerns announced in 2000, which need to be properly reflected in our Policy. As such, the Ministry of Education has taken in hand an exercise to review the National Education Policy (1998-2010) for its updating to bring it in line the current needs of the country.

Overall literacy rate of 52 per cent has increased by about two percentage points compared to that of Labour Force Survey (LFS), 2001-02.

Anmerkungen

Nothing has been marked as a citation. The source ("LFS 2003-2004") given at the end of the footnote does not contain any of this text.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[35.] Af/Fragment 059 03 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 12. April 2017, 16:57 Schumann
Erstellt: 20. March 2017, 01:15 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Development of Education 2004, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Quelle: Development of Education 2004
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The enrolment at the primary level47 has increased in both the public and the private sector as compared to the enrolment figure for the year 2002-03 which was 18.220 million.

47 The most challenging milestone for the Government of Pakistan is Universal Primary Education (UPE), which is a pre-requisite for Pakistan’s integration in the global framework of human centered economic development.

[page 7]

The most challenging milestone for the Government of Pakistan is Universal Primary Education (UPE), which is a pre-requisite for Pakistan’s integration in the global framework of human centered economic development.

[page 34]

The enrolment at the primary level had increased in both the public and the private sector as compared to the enrolment figure for the year 2001-02 which was 12.588 million and 4.941 million in the public and private sector respectively.

Anmerkungen

No source given, nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[36.] Af/Fragment 061 03 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 29. March 2017, 13:29 Schumann
Erstellt: 20. March 2017, 00:58 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Development of Education 2004, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite: 61, Zeilen: 3-15, 101-111
Quelle: Development of Education 2004
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Pakistan’s overall record in promoting and delivering gender equality is weak. There are, however, areas like education in which significant progress has been made in the recent years and indicators48 point to a steady though slow improvement. The ratio of girls to boys at all levels of education has improved; the ratio of literate females to males has risen; the share of women in urban employment (as a proxy indictor for share of women in wage employment in non-agricultural sector) has improved marginally; the role of women in national decision-making has improved significantly. However, gender concerns are not fully mainstreamed in the overall educational planning and management. The situation of urban women is better than their rural counter parts where parents are unable to afford the cost of education and access to schools is limited. Public expenditures tend to benefit boys rather than girls. The lack of access to education is compounded by dogmatic attitudes and socio-economic factors that inhibit girl’s education.

48 The National Commission for Human Development (NCHD) was founded in June 2002, is a public private partnership formed under the directive of the President of the Pakistan with a mission to promote development in the fields of health, education and micro-finance. It is funded through the Pakistan Human Development Fund registered under the Company’s Ordinance 1984. It has mobilized $5.5 million from private donors and $34 million from government resources. In education, NCHD aims to help the government achieve its Education For All (EFA) objectives by 2015. The NCHD is operating in 32 districts of the country and aims to cover all of Pakistan by the year 2007. The core strategy of the NCHD consists of: (a) public private partnership (b) capacity building of government’s line department, community organization and elected officials.

[page 3]

Education and gender equality

Pakistan’s overall record in promoting and delivering gender equality is a weak one. There are, however, areas in which significant progress has been made and indicators point to a steady though slow improvement:

• The ratio of girls to boys at all levels of education has improved;

[page 4]

• The ratio of literate females to males has risen;

• The share of women in urban employment (as a proxy indicator for share of women in wage employment in non-agricultural sector) has improved marginally;

• The role of women in national decision-making has improved significantly

[...]

Major concerns in achieving gender equality

Gender concerns are not fully mainstreamed in the overall educational planning and management. The situation of urban women is better than their rural counter parts where parents are unable to afford the cost of education and access to schools is limited. Public expenditures tend to benefit boys rather than girls. The lack of access to education is compounded by dogmatic attitudes and socio-economic factors that inhibit girls education.

[page 7]

National Commission for Human Development (NCHD)

Founded in June 2002, NCHD is itself a public private partnership formed under the directive of the President of Pakistan with a mission to promote development in the fields of health, education and micro-finance. It is funded through the Pakistan Human Development Fund registered under the Company’s Ordinance, 1984. It has mobilized $5.5 million from private donors and $34 million from government resources. In education, NCHD aims to help the government achieve its

[page 8]

EFA objective of 86% literacy by 2015 and 100 enrolment of children aged 5-7 years by (1) providing technical assistance in teacher training, syllabus development and instruction in practical life skills, (2) selecting, funding and training CSOs who will the implement the Commission’s objectives and (3) securing the participation and commitment of the communities. Currently, NCHD is operating in 32 districts of the country and aims to cover all of Pakistan by the year 2007. The core strategy of the NCHD consists of: (a) public private partnership (b) capacity building of government’s line departments, community organizations and elected officials (c) community ownership and participation.

Anmerkungen

No source given; nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[37.] Af/Fragment 062 12 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 11. March 2017, 22:56 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 8. March 2017, 11:54 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Asian Development Bank 2000, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Quelle: Asian Development Bank 2000
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The social and cultural context of Pakistani society is predominantly patriarchal. Men and women are conceptually divided into two separate worlds. The false ideological demarcation between the public and private inside and outside world is maintained through the notion of honour and purdah. In Pakistani society, women’s mobility is strictly restricted and controlled through the system of sex segregation and violence against them.

However, the spread of patriarchy in Pakistani society is not even. The nature and degree of women’s oppression/subordination vary across classes, regions, and the rural/urban divide. Patriarchal structures are relatively stronger in the rural and tribal setting where local customs establish male authority and power over women’s lives. Women are exchanged, sold, and bought in marriages. They are given limited opportunities to create choices for themselves in order to change the realities of their lives. However, women belonging to the upper and middle classes have increasingly greater access to education and employment opportunities and can assume greater control over their lives.

[page 2]

The Social and Cultural Context

The social and cultural context of Pakistani society is predominantly patriarchal. Men and women are conceptually divided into two separate worlds. Home is defined as a woman’s legitimate ideological and physical space, while a man dominates the world outside the home. The false ideological demarcation between public and private, inside and outside worlds is maintained through the notion of honor and institution of purdah in Pakistan. Since the notion of male honor and izzat (honor)1 is linked with women's sexual behavior, their sexuality is considered a potential threat to the honor of the family. Therefore, women’s mobility is strictly restricted and controlled through the system of purdah, sex segregation, and violence against them.

[...]

However, the spread of patriarchy is not even. The nature and degree of women’s oppression/subordination vary across classes, regions, and the rural/urban divide. Patriarchal structures are relatively stronger in the rural and tribal setting where local customs establish male authority and power over women’s lives. Women are exchanged, sold, and bought in marriages. They are given limited opportunities to create choices for themselves in order to change the realities of their lives. On the other hand, women belonging to the upper and middle classes have increasingly greater access to education and employment opportunities and can assume greater control over their lives.


1 “Honor” can be interpreted in various ways but generally refers to women’s purity and modesty.

Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

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(Graf Isolan), WiseWoman

[38.] Af/Fragment 063 19 - Diskussion
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Erstellt: 5. March 2017, 01:59 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, Khan and Qureshi 1996, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Quelle: Khan and Qureshi 1996
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The Pakistan Integrated Household Survey 1990-91 (for recent figures, see chapter 4) provides conclusive evidence of increasing female employment in the informal labor market (Kazi 1993 and Kazi 1991). The informal labor market is characterized by lack of regulation, lack of security in conditions of employment and ease of entry. It includes small, unregulated enterprises, often family-managed or self-employed enterprises that use traditional technology and labor-intensive methods (Qadeer 1983). This segment absorbs most of the available unskilled and uneducated women in urban areas in Pakistan (Kazi 1993).

Paradoxically, women are portrayed as economically unproductive (Habib 1985) and as highly dependent on their husbands, sons and other male members of the family for economic resources and support. The influence of informal-sector work on the status of women in the patriarchal Pakistani households largely remains unexplored. Studies however, have been conducted in Asia and they provide conflicting findings. In the Philippines, women’s contribution to household income was not associated with greater household power (Alcantara 1990), nor did the gainful employment of women through carpet weaving in Iran bring a change in the social conditions of those women (Afshar 1985). Studies in East and South East Asia report that a woman’s financial contribution to her family’s resources is one of the factors that enhances her status within the family and increases her decision making capacity.


Alcantara, A. N., 1990: Gender differentiation: public vs. private power in family decision-making in the Philippines. University Microfilms International, Ann Arbor, Michigan.

Habib, M., 1985: New images for women needed in Pakistan. People 12(2): 20-1

Kazi, S. / Raza, B., 1991: Duality of female employment in Pakistan, Pakistan Development Review 1991 Winter 30 (4 pt 2): 733-40.

Kazi, S. / Sathar, Z. A., 1993: Women in the urban informal labor market in Pakistan: Some economic and demographic implications. International Population Conference.

Qadeer, M. A., 1983: Urban economy. In: Qadeer M. A. (ed) Urban Development in The Third World: Internal Dynamics of Lahore, Pakistan pp113-75. Praeger Publishers, New York.

[page 3]

The Pakistan Integrated Household Survey 1990-91 provides conclusive evidence of increasing female employment in the informal labor market (Kazi 1993 and Kazi 1991). The informal labor market is characterized by lack of regulation, lack of security in conditions of employment and ease of entry. It includes small, unregulated enterprises, often family-managed or self-employed enterprises that use traditional technology and labor-intensive methods (Qadeer 1983). This segment absorbs most of the available unskilled and uneducated women in urban areas in Pakistan (Kazi 1993).

[page 4]

Paradoxically, women are portrayed as economically unproductive (Habib 1985) and as highly dependent on their husbands, sons and other male members of the family for economic resources and support.

There has been little systematic study about the informal labor market in Pakistan. The influence of informal-sector work on the status of women in the patriarchal Pakistani households largely remains unexplored. Studies however, have been conducted in Asia and they provide conflicting findings. In the Philippines, women’s contribution to household income was not associated with greater household power (Alcantara 1990), nor did the gainful employment of women through carpet weaving in Iran bring a change in the social conditions of those women (Afshar 1985). Studies in East and South East Asia report that a woman’s financial contribution to her family’s resources is one of the factors that enhances her status within the family (Khoo 1984) and increases her decision making capacity (Sinha 1988).


Alcantara A. N. (1990) Gender differentiation: public vs. private power in family decision-making in the Philippines. University Microfilms International, Ann Arbor, Michigan.

Habib M. (1985) New images for women needed in Pakistan. People 12(2): 20-1.

Kazi S. and Raza B. (1991) Duality of female employment in Pakistan. Pakistan Development Review 1991 Winter 30 (4 pt 2): 733-40.

Kazi S. and Sathar Z. A. (1993) Women in the urban informal labor market in Pakistan: some economic and demographic implications. International Population Conference Montreal 1993, 24 August - 1st September. Volume 2: 467-79. International Union for the Scientific Study of Population. Liege - Belgium.

Qadeer M. A. (1983) Urban Economy. In: Qadeer M. A. (ed) Urban Development in The Third World: Internal Dynamics of Lahore, Pakistan pp113-75. Praeger Publishers, New York.

Anmerkungen

Nothing has been marked as a citation.

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(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[39.] Af/Fragment 066 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 22. March 2017, 20:13 Graf Isolan
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Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, Naqvi and Shahnaz 2002, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Education plays an important role in women’s decisions of economic participation. Education qualifications enhance the job prospects of all individuals, and also for women. Generally, for women as the education level increases the economic participation increases. Education plays an important role in women’s decisions of economic participation. Education qualifications enhance the job prospects of all individuals, and also for women. Generally, for women as the education level increases the economic participation increases.
Anmerkungen

No source given; nothing has been marked as a citation.

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(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[40.] Af/Fragment 068 09 - Diskussion
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Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Weiss 1995

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Pakistan has never had a systematic, nationally coordinated effort to improve female primary education, despite its poor standing. It was once assumed that the reasons behind low female school enrollments were cultural but research conducted by the Ministry for Women’s Development and a number of international donor agencies in the 1980s revealed that danger to a woman’s honor was parent’s [sic] most crucial concern. Indeed, reluctance to accept schooling for women turned to enthusiasm when parents in rural Punjab and rural Balochistan could be guaranteed their daughters' safety and, hence, their honor (SPD Center, 1998).

[There is no reference (SPD Center, 1998) in the reference list.]

Pakistan has never had a systematic, nationally coordinated effort to improve female primary education, despite its poor standing. It was once assumed that the reasons behind low female school enrollments were cultural, but research conducted by the Ministry for Women's Development and a number of international donor agencies in the 1980s revealed that danger to a woman's honor was parents' most crucial concern. Indeed, reluctance to accept schooling for women turned to enthusiasm when parents in rural Punjab and rural Balochistan could be guaranteed their daughters' safety and, hence, their honor.
Anmerkungen

The source given is not found in the references.

Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), WiseWoman

[41.] Af/Fragment 069 03 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. March 2017, 22:52 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 20. March 2017, 19:30 (Graf Isolan)
Af, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Naqvi and Shahnaz 2002, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite(n): 505 (Internet: 9), Zeilen: 14-21 (Internet: 16-22)
6.3.3 Marital status

Marital status of women is another factor affecting the decisions of women in economic participation. In Pakistan, married women are less likely to participate in economic activities. The opposite is true for the widow or divorced women. The results of a study conducted by Z. F. Naqvi (World Bank, 2002) about how do women decide to work in Pakistan indicate that married women are 4.2% less likely to participate in economic activity. However, divorced women are more likely to participate in economic activities by 5.2%. Being a divorcee is also another significant factor, which positively increases the possibility of women’s economic participation by 16%.


Naqvi, Z. F. / Shahnaz, L., 2002: How do women decide to work in Pakistan, The World Bank, World Development Indicators, Washington D.C.

Marital status of women is another factor affecting the decisions of women in economic participation. In Pakistan, married women are less likely to participate in economic activities. The opposite is true for the widow or divorced women. Results indicate that married women are 4.2 percent less likely to participate in economic activity. However, divorced women are more likely to participate in economic activities by 5.2 percent. Being a divorcee is also another significant factor, which positively increases the possibility of women’s economic participation by 16 percent.
Anmerkungen

The reference given is said to be published by the World Bank, but Naqvi and Shahnaz published in The Pakistan Development Review.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), WiseWoman

[42.] Af/Fragment 070 02 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. April 2017, 20:34 Schumann
Erstellt: 3. April 2017, 18:48 (WiseWoman)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, ILO 1999, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite: 70, Zeilen: 2-8
Quelle: ILO 1999
Seite(n): Internet source, Zeilen: -
In some economically and socially advanced countries women have succeeded in gaining greater access to training and employment and increased economic autonomy and social status. The impact of globalization is two-sided, offering an opportunity for more and better jobs provided women can balance work with family responsibilities, while at the same time fostering types of work that disproportionately expose women to precarious and vulnerable employment. Without training, information and finance, many women and their families face dim prospects for the future. In some economically and socially advancing countries, the report says, “women have succeeded in gaining greater access to training and employment and increased economic autonomy and social status.” The impact of globalization is two-sided, offering an opportunity for more and better jobs provided women can balance work with family responsibilities, while at the same time fostering types of work that disproportionately expose women to precarious and vulnerable employment. Without training, information and finance, many women and their families face dim prospects for the future.”
Anmerkungen

A source is not given.

Sichter
(WiseWoman) Schumann

[43.] Af/Fragment 070 09 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 13. March 2017, 13:14 Schumann
Erstellt: 12. March 2017, 23:38 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Zafar 2003

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Over the last decade agricultural and rural populations in the developing world have become more extensively and directly affected by several new processes in a rapidly changing global context. Rural populations are being confronted with more dynamic and, therefore, less predictable market-dominated conditions of production. Recent studies have shown that more varied employment becomes available as workers move out of agriculture and subsistence production and into paid employment in the expanding manufacturing and service sectors (Mehra and Gammage, 1999). However, this trend does not necessarily reflect healthy growth in the agricultural sector. A slightly increasing feminization of the agricultural labour force in most developing countries may reflect the fact that women are lagging behind men and abandoning agriculture at a slower rate (Mehra and Gammage, 1999). Furthermore, women tend to work in low-productivity jobs more often than men, especially those who remain in the agricultural sector.

It is unfortunate that individuals apparently similar with respect to productivity receive widely different earnings on the basis of non-economic criteria like sex, which raises serious questions of equity, efficiency and human rights. Labour market conditions are usually unfavourable for the female labour force (FLF) in many developing countries like Pakistan. Conditions in high paying professions are usually not favourable for women as they are mostly absorbed in traditional sectors like agriculture and low paid occupations pertaining to petty services. Their contribution towards economic development is not duly acknowledged and moreover accurate data pertaining to FLF and their economic contribution is not available in developing countries.


Mehra, R. / Gammage, S., 1999: Trends, countertrends, and gaps in women’s employment, World Development, 27, 3: 535-550.

Over the last decade agricultural and rural populations in the developing world have become more extensively and directly affected by several new processes in a rapidly changing global context. [...] Rural populations are being confronted with more dynamic and, therefore, less predictable market-dominated conditions of production. [...]

[...]

Recent studies have shown that more varied employment becomes available as workers move out of agriculture and subsistence production and into paid employment in the expanding manufacturing and service sectors (Mehra and Gammage, 1999). However, this trend does not necessarily reflect healthy growth in the agricultural sector. [...]

[...] A slightly increasing feminization of the agricultural labour force in most developing countries may reflect the fact that women are lagging behind men and abandoning agriculture at a slower rate (Mehra and Gammage, 1999). Furthermore, women tend to work in low-productivity jobs more often than men, especially those who remain in the agricultural sector.

[...] It is unfortunate that individuals apparently similar with respect to productivity, receive widely different earnings on the basis of non-economic criteria like sex, which raises serious questions of equity, efficiency and human rights.

Labour market conditions are usually unfavourable for the female labour force (FLF) in many developing countries. Conditions in high paying professions are usually not favourable for women as they are mostly absorbed in traditional sectors like agriculture and low paid occupations pertaining to petty services. Their contribution towards economic development is not duly acknowledged and moreover accurate data pertaining to FLF and their economic contribution is not available in developing countries.

Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[44.] Af/Fragment 073 02 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 22. March 2017, 20:10 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 21. March 2017, 22:27 (Graf Isolan)
Af, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Naqvi and Shahnaz 2002, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite: 73, Zeilen: 2-9
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Seite(n): 495, Zeilen: 4-11
As discussed earlier, the incidence of women labor force participation is very low in Pakistan. According to the Labor Force Survey, 1999-2000 female participation rate was merely 14% of the total labor force (for recent data, see chapter 4). Even though average annual growth rate of female labor force participation has been increasing slightly in Pakistan; it was 4% in 1980-99 and has gone up to 5.1% during 1995-98 (Labor Force Survey, 1997-98), however, this rate is still very low as compared to the other South Asian countries -- 42 % in Bangladesh, 41% in Nepal, 32 % in India and Bhutan, 37% in Sri Lanka. (World Bank, 2002).

Government of Pakistan, 1998b: Economic survey 1997-98, Finance division, Advisor’s wing, Islamabad, Pakistan.

Government of Pakistan 1998d: Labour force survey 1996-97, Federal Bureau of Statistics, Statistics Division Karachi: The Manager of Publications.

Naqvi, Z. F. / Shahnaz, L., 2002: How do women decide to work in Pakistan, The World Bank, World Development Indicators, Washington D.C.

1. INTRODUCTION

The incidence of women labor force participation is very low in Pakistan. According to the Labour Force Survey, 1999-2000 female participation rate was merely 14% of the total labor force. Even though average annual growth rate of female labor force participation has been increasing slightly in Pakistan; it was 4% in 1980-99 and has gone up to 5.1% during 1995-98,2 however, this rate is still very low as compared to the other South Asian countries -- 42 % in Bangladesh, 41% in Nepal, 32 % in India and Bhutan, 37% in Sri Lanka [World Bank (2002)].


2 See Labour Force Survey 1997-98 for detail.


The World Bank, 2002, World Development Indicators, Washington, D. C.

Anmerkungen

Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Neither of the surveys given in the references fits the description in the text. This is understandable because Naqvi and Shahnaz have forgotten to give the corresponding reference.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[45.] Af/Fragment 073 10 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 29. March 2017, 13:56 Schumann
Erstellt: 7. March 2017, 13:29 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Blood 1995, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Seite: 73, Zeilen: 10-12
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Seite(n): 123, Zeilen: 19-23
The integration of Pakistani women into the labor force is of great concern. Because of economic pressures and the dissolution of extended families in urban areas, many more women are working for wages than in the past. Another of the challenges faced by Pakistani women concerns their integration into the labor force. Because of economic pressures and the dissolution of extended families in urban areas, many more women are working for wages than in the past.
Anmerkungen

Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[46.] Af/Fragment 073 12 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 10. March 2017, 14:41 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 7. March 2017, 21:50 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Alavi 1991, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Seite: 73, Zeilen: 12-16
Quelle: Alavi 1991
Seite(n): 1 (Internetversion), Zeilen: -
Women’s contribution to the family economy has changed beyond recognition, as compared to conditions forty years ago. These changes seem to be having a greater impact on lower middle class families with monthly income ranges from Rs. 3000 to Rs. 5000 than either working class families or upper class ones. It is in the urban context that women's contribution to the family economy has changed beyond recognition, as compared to conditions forty years ago. These changes seem to be having a greater impact on lower middle class families than either working class families or upper class ones.
Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[47.] Af/Fragment 073 19 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 10. March 2017, 20:52 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 7. March 2017, 21:53 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Alavi 1991, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Graf Isolan
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Seite: 73, Zeilen: 19-21
Quelle: Alavi 1991
Seite(n): 1 (Internetversion), Zeilen: -
In the big cities like Karachi and Lahore, working class consists of workers from the north of the country whose women either do unskilled work in factories or operate in the so-called 'informal economy' or are engaged in domestic employment. In the case of workers whose families live with them in the cities, many of the women either do unskilled work in factories or operate in the so-called 'informal economy' or are engaged in domestic employment.
Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[48.] Af/Fragment 078 06 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 13. March 2017, 13:18 Schumann
Erstellt: 13. March 2017, 01:05 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Sharif 2000

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Seite: 78, Zeilen: 6-20
Quelle: Sharif 2000
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The women in Pakistan have been constantly complaining of having being isolated from the mainstream of society. Women feel disillusioned on being maltreated by the male-oriented set up in Pakistan. They strongly claim that if they are given a chance, they can contribute more positively towards the development of all social aspects. Numerically the women in Pakistan are almost equal to men. They are equal in potential as the men. The Pakistani women live in the most diversified location of the tribal, feudal or urban environments. She can be a highly qualified and self-confident professional or a diffident peasant toiling along with her men-folk.

In the areas like NWFP and Balochistan, life is governed and regulated by strict beliefs and behavioural patterns. A woman has no say in any aspect of her life, including her marriage. In the populated provinces of Sindh and Punjab, a woman may keep her connections with her family after marriage. She expects support from her brothers and father in case of separation and divorce from her husband. In Punjab and Sindh, women are seen working in the fields with their men-folk collecting fuels and in some cases working on the construction sites shifting material from one place to another.

The women in Pakistan have been constantly complaining of having being isolated from the mainstream of society. Women feel disillusioned on being maltreated by the male-oriented set up in Pakistan. They strongly claim that if they are given a chance, they can contribute more positively towards the development of all social aspects.

[...]

Numerically the women in Pakistan are almost equal to men. They are equal in potential as the men. The Pakistani women live in the most diversified location of the tribal, feudal or urban environments. She can be a highly qualified and self-confident professional or a diffident peasant toiling along with her men-folk.

[...]

In the areas like NWFP and Balochistan, life is governed and regulated by strict beliefs and behavioral patterns. A woman has no say in any aspect of her life, including her marriage. In the populated provinces of Sindh and Punjab, a woman may keep her connections with her family after marriage. She expect [sic] support from her brothers and father in case of separation and divorce from her husband. In Punjab and Sindh, women are seen working in the fields with their men-folk collecting fuels and in some cases working on the construction sites shifting material from one place to another.

Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[49.] Af/Fragment 078 21 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 22. March 2017, 14:22 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 5. March 2017, 02:45 (Graf Isolan)
Af, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Naqvi and Shahnaz 2002, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 78, Zeilen: 21-36
Quelle: Naqvi and Shahnaz 2002
Seite(n): 497, 507 (Internet 3-4, 12), Zeilen: 497:1-5, 11-20; 507:20-22 (Internet: 3:12-16.22-27-4:1-4; 12:13-15)
Some studies in Pakistan analyzed the effects of selected demographic and socioeconomic variables on labour force participation (LFP) in the four provinces of Pakistan. The results indicate that work participation is inversely associated with child-women ratio and nuclear family type. Marital status, dependency ratio and literacy rates are found to have a positive relation with LFP.

Kozel and Alderman (1990) studied the factors determining work participation and labor supply decision in the urban areas of Pakistan. Similarly, Rashid, Lodhi and Chishti (1989) investigated different demographic and socio-economic factors of women’s labor force participation behaviour in their study in Karachi. Empirical results of both the studies indicate that LFP rate rises with increase in the expected earning, wages and level of education. The presence of male members in the family tends to decrease the likelihood that a woman will work, while the presence of other women (aged 7 years and above) tend to increase the likelihood of women employment. LFP rate also declines with domestic and foreign remittances.

A study conducted by Z. F. Naqvi and L. Shahnaz (2002) shows that approximately 10% married women are less likely to decide their employment decisions by themselves [and 3% less likely to be consulted by the other members of the household in making their employment decision.]


Kozel, V. / Alderman, H., 1990: “Factors determining work participation and labor [sic] supply decisions in Pakistan’s Urban Areas”, The Pakistan Development Review, 29,1.

Naqvi, Z. F. / Shahnaz, L., 2002: How do women decide to work in Pakistan, The World Bank, World Development Indicators, Washington D.C.

Rashid. et al., 1989: “Women labor [sic] participation behavior [sic]: A case study of Karachi”, The Pakistan Journal of Applied Economics, 8 (2).

[page 497]

Shah et al. (1976) analyzed the effects of selected demographic and socio-economic variables on LFP in the four provinces of Pakistan. The results indicated that work participation is inversely associated with child-women ratio and nuclear family type. Marital status, dependency ratio and literacy rates are found to have positive relation with LFP.

[...]

Kozel and Alderman (1990) studied the factors determining work participation and labor supply decision in the urban areas of Pakistan by using OLS regression as well as a Tobit model. Similarly, Rashed, Lodhi and Chisti (1989) investigate different demographic and socio-economic factors of women’s labor force participation behaviour in their study for Karachi using probit model. Empirical results of both the studies indicate that LFP rate rises with increase in the expected earning, wages and level of education. The presence of male members in the family tends to decrease the likelihood that a woman will work, while the presence of other women (aged 7 years and above) tend to increase the likelihood of women employment. LFP rate also declines with domestic and foreign remittances.

[page 507]

Approximately 10 percent married women are less likely to decide their employment decisions by themselves and 3% less likely to be consulted by the other members of the household in making their employment decision.


Kozel, V. and Alderman, H. 1990. “Factors Determining Work Participation and Labour Supply Decisions in Pakistan’s Urban Areas”, The Pakistan Development Review, 29:1, 1–18.

Rashid, Lodhi, and Chishti (1989) Women Labour Participation Behaviour: A Case Study of Karachi. The Pakistan Journal of Applied Economics 8:2.

Shah, N. M. (1986) Changes in Women Role in Pakistan: Are the Volume and Pace Adequate? The Pakistan Development Review 25:3.

Anmerkungen

Naqvi and Shahnaz (2002) is only mentioned in the final paragraph of this page. The reference given is said to be published by the World Bank1, but Naqvi and Shahnaz published in The Pakistan Development Review. It is not mentioned that the previous two paragraphs have also been taken from this source word-for-word.

Af wrongly americanizes one of the titles of the purported sources. (The other americanization in the title of the article by Kozel and Aldermancan (1999) can already be found in the internet version of that article.)


1 The wrong attribution of publisher is perhaps caused by a misreading of the References in an electronic version of the article by Naqvi and Shahnaz, which reads "The World Bank, 2002, World Development Indicators, Washington, D. C."

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), WiseWoman

[50.] Af/Fragment 079 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 22. March 2017, 20:14 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 22. March 2017, 14:30 (Graf Isolan)
Af, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Naqvi and Shahnaz 2002, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite: 79, Zeilen: 1-15
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Seite(n): Internet 12, 13, Zeilen: 12:13-20; 13:8-17
[A study conducted by Z. F. Naqvi and L. Shahnaz (2002) shows that approximately 10% married women are less likely to decide their employment decisions by themselves] and 3% less likely to be consulted by the other members of the household in making their employment decision. This negative correlation is understandable in Pakistani society that husbands will have ‘a say’ in their spouse’s decision to enter the work force especially if it conflicts with their roles as a wife or a mother. It is generally accepted that in Pakistani society, the husband’s approval or disapproval is an important factor in whether a wife will perform a certain activity or not (Shah, 1986).

In Pakistan, the place of residence matters a lot, because of the traditions and customs that prevail especially in the rural areas. People cannot be against these circumstances although having education or other exposure. In rural areas a very small number of women are likely to decide their employment decisions by themselves while in most of the cases their decision are conducted by other members of the household.

Socio-economic status of the household is an important factor in determining women status among the households. It is generally believed that women’s decision to enter the work force are caused by a low level of income available to them and their entry into the labor force is necessitated by their lack of income.


Naqvi, Z. F. / Shahnaz, L., 2002: How do women decide to work in Pakistan, The World Bank, World Development Indicators, Washington D.C.

Shah, N. M., 1986: Introduction In: Shah N. M.(ed) Pakistani women: a socioeconomic and demographic profile: 1-49. Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, Islamabad.

[page 12]

Approximately 10% married women are less likely to decide their employment decisions by themselves and 3% less likely to be consulted by the other members of the household in making their employment decision. These results are also highly statistically significant. This negative correlation is understandable in Pakistani society that husbands will have ‘a say’ in their spouse’s decision to enter the work force especially if it conflicts with their roles as a wife or a mother. It is generally accepted that in Pakistani society, the husband’s approval or disapproval is an important factor in whether a wife will perform a certain activity or not [Shah, (1986)].

[page 13]

In Pakistan, the place of residence matters a lot, because of the traditions and customs that prevail especially in the rural areas. People can not be against these circumstances although having education or other exposure. In rural areas 3.4% women are less likely to decide their employment decisions by themselves, their decision are conducted by other members of the household. The coefficient of rural area is negative and statistical significant.

Socio-economic status of the household is also an important factor in determining women status among the households. It is generally believed that women’s decision to enter the work force are caused by a low level of income available to them [Hamid, (1991)] and their entry into the labor force is necessitated by their lack of income.


Shah, N. M. (1986) Changes in Women Role in Pakistan: Are the Volume and Pace Adequate? The Pakistan Development Review 25:3.

Anmerkungen

Continued from previous page. Naqvi and Shahnaz (2002) is only mentioned in the final paragraph of the previous page. The reference given is said to be published by the World Bank1, but Naqvi and Shahnaz published in The Pakistan Development Review.

Nothing has been marked as a citation.

The reference to Hamid (1991) is missing in Af. Probably this is because Naqvi and Shahnaz have forgotten the corresponding entry in their references.


1 The wrong attribution of publisher is perhaps caused by a misreading of the References in an electronic version of the article by Naqvi and Shahnaz, which reads "The World Bank, 2002, World Development Indicators, Washington, D. C."

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[51.] Af/Fragment 082 11 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 14. March 2017, 09:16 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 13. March 2017, 01:46 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, Nasir 2000, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite: 82, Zeilen: 11-19
Quelle: Nasir 2000
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This change resulted in more awareness among the youthful women about their identities, their capabilities and they are now more ambitious. The inflation and exposure through media has opened minds in the Pakistani society, where parents feel confident that their daughters can also be successful in lives. Similarly, young men want to choose sanguine women as wives who can be more of a partner than just glorified maids who would cook and look after kids. Time has also come to an extent when women, in some instances, themselves choose to be housewives. And one thing the Pakistani woman will always enjoy is the respect and acceptance of her decision to be a housewife. She can make the choice to work in case of need too. Youthful women are more aware of their identities, their capabilities and are definitely more ambitious. The inflation and exposure through media has open [sic] minds in the Pakistani society, where parents feel confident that their daughters can also be successful in lives. Similarly, young men want to choose sanguine women as wives who can be more of a partner than just glorified maids who would cook and look after kids. Time has also come to an extent when women, in some instances, themselves choose to be housewives. And one thing the Pakistani woman will always enjoy is the respect and acceptance of her decision to be a housewife. She can make the choice to work in case of need too.
Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[52.] Af/Fragment 086 04 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 22. March 2017, 20:09 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 13. March 2017, 17:23 (SleepyHollow02)
Af, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Khan and Qureshi 1996, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite: 86, Zeilen: 4-27
Quelle: Khan and Qureshi 1996
Seite(n): 4, 5, 8, 19, Zeilen: 4: last 3 lines; 5: 1 ff:, 8: 4 ff.; 19: 1 ff.
Understanding a woman’s involvement in household decision making in a patriarchal society like Pakistan is a complex phenomenon. A woman’s involvement in household decision making in poor Pakistani households can be explained partially by her incomeearning status, which in turn is dependent on a multitude of factors. These factors include individual characteristics (such as her age, duration of marriage, literacy and number of living children), socioeconomic status, attitude of family members about women working outside the home, and availability and accessibility to financial support systems. The ability to make decisions, particularly health-related decisions, within the household is important for the survival of poor Pakistani women. A study investigating the cause of delay in 118 pregnant women brought dead to the maternity unit of public hospital in Karachi revealed that social and economic barriers including waiting to seek permission from the husband, were the important reasons cited for not being able to bring these women to the hospital earlier (Jafarey 1993).

A study conducted by Khan and Qureshi (2002) suggests that compared with housewives, a significantly larger proportion of working women reported having greater autonomy as measured either by involvement in or independent domestic decision making as well as in freedom of movement.

Employment of women thus seems to be an enabling process helps to break down the patriarchal system and promote egalitarian relationships within households. Paid work for women is likely to bring internal change within the family by transforming power relationships between men and women (Mhloyi 1994).

The ability to make decisions, particularly health-related decisions, within the household is important for the survival of poor Pakistani women. A study investigating the cause of delay in 118 pregnant women brought dead to the maternity unit of public hospital in

[page 5]

Karachi revealed that social and economic barriers including waiting to seek permission from the husband, were the important reasons cited for not being able to bring these women to the hospital earlier (Jafarey 1991).

[page 8]

Understanding a woman’s involvement in household decision making in a patriarchal society is a complex phenomenon. [...] From these interviews and literature review we also postulated that a woman’s involvement in household decision making in poor Pakistani households can be explained partially by her income-earning status, which in turn is dependent on a multitude of factors. These factors include individual characteristics (such as her age, duration of marriage, literacy and number of living children), socioeconomic status, attitude of family members about women working for cash and outside the home, and availability and accessibility to financial support systems.

[page 19]

Our study also suggests that compared with housewives, a significantly larger proportion of working women reported having greater autonomy as measured either by involvement in or independent domestic decision making as well as in freedom of movement. [...] A study investigating the cause of delay in 118 pregnant women or recently delivered women brought dead to a public hospital in Karachi revealed that economic (36%) and social barriers (33%) including waiting to seek permission from the husband, were the reasons cited (Jafarey 1993).

Employment of women thus seems to be an enabling process helps to break down the patriarchal system and promote egalitarian relationships within households. Paid work for women is likely to bring internal change within the family by transforming power relationships between men and women (Mhloyi 1994).

Anmerkungen

Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02) Schumann

[53.] Af/Fragment 087 28 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 12. March 2017, 21:07 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 8. March 2017, 13:14 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Asian Development Bank 2000, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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The nature of women’s productivity in the labor market is largely determined by sociocultural and economic factors. The occupational choices for women are limited due to social and cultural constraints, inherent gender bias and lack of supportive facilities. Therefore, women’s labor power is considered inferior because of employers’ predetermined notion of women’s primary role as homemakers and that compell women to look for jobs in the secondary sector of labor market where they are low paid with low status. Economically active rural women work on their own family farms. [page 8]

The nature and sphere of women’s productivity in the labor market is largely determined by sociocultural and economic factors. Women do not enter the labor market on equal terms vis-à-vis men. Their occupational choices are limited due to social and cultural constraints, inherent gender bias in the labor market, and lack of supportive facilities such as child care, transport, and accommodation in the formal sector of the labor market. Women’s labor power is considered inferior because of employers’ predetermined notion of women’s primary role as homemakers. As a result of discrimination against female labor, women are concentrated in the secondary sector of labor market. [...]

[...] Nearly 36–38 percent of

[page 9]

economically active rural women work on their own family farms.

Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Note that Af generalizes the statement concerning "economically active rural women work[ing] on their own family farms" from a percentage of 36-38% to (seemingly) all of them.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[54.] Af/Fragment 088 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 12. March 2017, 21:13 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 8. March 2017, 13:25 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Asian Development Bank 2000, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
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Graf Isolan
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 88, Zeilen: 1-6
Quelle: Asian Development Bank 2000
Seite(n): 9, 10, Zeilen: 9: 1-2; 10: 1-5
[The majority] of women in the urban sector work in low-paying jobs. In the Ninth Five-Year Plan (1998–2003), the Government of Pakistan committed itself to promote women’s employment by creating more opportunities for them. The specific sectoral programs include education, training, and skill development of women; promotion of female labor-based industries (i.e., ready-made garments, electronics, pharmaceutical); and credit provisions for self-employment. [page 9]

The majority of women in the urban sector work in low-paying jobs.

[page 10]

In the Ninth Five-Year Plan (1998–2003), the Government commits itself to promote women’s employment by creating more opportunities for them. The specific sectoral programs include education, training, and skill development of women; promotion of female labor-based industries (i.e., ready-made garments, electronics, pharmaceutical); and credit provisions for selfemployment.16


16Planning Commission (1998), “Women and Development,” Ninth Five-Year Plan, p.15.

Anmerkungen

Continued from previous page. No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

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(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[55.] Af/Fragment 092 07 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 17. March 2017, 21:04 Schumann
Erstellt: 7. March 2017, 14:34 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Alavi 1991, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
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Graf Isolan
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 92, Zeilen: 7-36
Quelle: Alavi 1991
Seite(n): 1 (Internetversion), Zeilen: -
7.4 Position of working women in the society

It is a fact that in both rural as well as the urban society, Pakistan remains a rigidly patriarchal society in which women are treated as slaves to spend their lives in the service of a male dominated social system. It is not only a single patriarch, the head of a nuclear family, but the whole male dominated kinship organisation which has a stake in the subordination of women. No woman, even one with an independent career in a city can set up a home on her own, without the ‘saya’ (lit: shade or protection) of a male. A divorced woman or a widow must turn to her father or brother, if they will have her unless she has a grown up son under whose protection she can live. This is a powerful factor of control over women.

In the case of lower middle class families we can identify a two-fold division. On the one hand there are families whose women are educated, sufficiently at least to hold down a ‘respectable’ job. On the other hand there are more traditional families whose women have not received a good education who therefore do not qualify for ‘respectable’ salaried jobs. In these latter cases women contribute to the family economy by taking in home-based work under a putting out system operated by entrepreneurs who are only too happy to exploit this extremely cheap source of labour.

The continuous inflation in the cost of living in Pakistan over the decades has brought about a situation where a man’s wage is no longer sufficient to keep the family. There was therefore a continuous pressure to broaden the base of the family economy. Gradually and steadily, more and more women were forced to find jobs to supplement family incomes. The change is visible and quite striking. Initially only a few occupations were thought to be respectable enough for such women. As the pressure for jobs increased the concept of a 'respectable job' was progressively broadened to take in a wider range of jobs (see also part 6.1). Today one finds women in a wide range of occupations, including laboratory assistants or ticket clerks at railway stations or clerks at post office counters and so on, as well as lawyers, architects, engineers, journalists and broadcasters as discussed earlier. Needless to add, the numbers in the latter categories of occupations are extremely small. With more and more women taking up salaried jobs and in keeping with an increasing number of women taking to higher education, new values have emerged. Women now desire jobs and careers for their own sake so that an in[creasing number of wives of well heeled professionals and women from the upper classes take jobs not out of economic necessity but for self-fulfilment.]

It must be kept in mind, however, that everywhere, in both the rural as well as the urban society, Pakistan remains a rigidly patriarchal society in which women are treated as chattel, 'given' or 'acquired' through arranged marriages, to spend their lives in the service of a male dominated social system. [...] It is not only a single patriarch, the head of a nuclear family, but the whole male dominated kinship organisation which has a stake in the subordination of women. (for an account of biraderi organisation cf.Alavi, 1972). No woman, even one with an independent career in a city can set up a home on her own, without the 'saya' (lit: shade or protection) of a male. A divorced woman or a widow must turn to her father or brother, if they will have her. unless she has a grown up son under whose protection she can live. This is a powerful factor of control over women. [...]

[...]

In the case of lower middle class families we can identify a two-fold division. On the one hand there are families whose women are educated, sufficiently at least to hold down a 'respectable' job. On the other hand there are more traditional families whose women have not received a good education who therefore do not qualify for 'respectable' salaried jobs. In these latter cases women contribute to the family economy by taking in home-based work under a putting out system operated by entrepreneurs who are only too happy to exploit this extremely cheap source of labour. [...]

[...]

The continuous inflation in the cost of living in Pakistan over the decades has brought about a situation where a man's wage is no longer sufficient to keep the family. There was therefore a continuous pressure to broaden the base of the family economy. Gradually and steadily, more and more women were forced to find jobs to supplement family incomes. The change is visible and quite striking. Initially only a few occupations were thought to be respectable enough for such women. As the pressure for jobs increased the concept of a 'respectable job' was progressively broadened to take in a wider range of jobs. [...] Today one finds women in a wide range of occupations, including laboratory assistants or ticket clerks at railway stations or clerks at post office counters and so on, as well as lawyers, architects, engineers, journalists and broadcasters. Needless to add, the numbers in the latter categories of occupations are extremely small. With more and more women taking up salaried jobs and in keeping with an increasing number of women taking to higher education, new values have emerged. Women now desire jobs and careers for their own sake so that an increasing number of wives of well heeled professionals and women from the upper classes take jobs not out of economic necessity but for self-fulfilment.


Alavi, Hamza, 1972: Kinship in West Punjab Villages', Contributions to Indian Sociology, New Series. Vol. VI (for a fuller account see Hamza Alavi, 'The Two Biraderis- Kinship in Rural Punjab' in T. N. Madan (ed) Muslim Societies in South Asia, 2nd edition, New Delhi 1995)

Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

The reference to Alavi (1972) has also been deleted (for obvious reasons).

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[56.] Af/Fragment 093 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 10. March 2017, 20:44 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 7. March 2017, 21:46 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Alavi 1991, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
Graf Isolan
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 93, Zeilen: 1-2
Quelle: Alavi 1991
Seite(n): 1 (Internetversion), Zeilen: -
[Women now desire jobs and careers for their own sake so that an in]creasing number of wives of well heeled professionals and women from the upper classes take jobs not out of economic necessity but for self-fulfilment. Women now desire jobs and careers for their own sake so that an increasing number of wives of well heeled professionals and women from the upper classes take jobs not out of economic necessity but for self-fulfilment.
Anmerkungen

Continued from previous page. No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[57.] Af/Fragment 101 17 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 22. March 2017, 20:16 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 13. March 2017, 18:57 (SleepyHollow02)
Af, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Khan and Qureshi 1996, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
BauernOpfer
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SleepyHollow02
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 101, Zeilen: 17-21
Quelle: Khan and Qureshi 1996
Seite(n): 14, Zeilen: 3 ff.
A study conducted by Khan and Qureshi (2002) indicates that a significantly greater proportion of working women reported independent mobility as measured by being able to go out of their homes without prior permission from their husbands. A greater proportion of working women reported that they could go to the physician (57%) or market place (50%) alone compared to 45% and 31% housewives respectively. The data also indicate that a significantly greater proportion of working women reported independent mobility as measured by being able to go out of their homes without prior permission from their husbands. A greater proportion of working women reported that they could go to the physician (57%) or market place (50%) alone compared to 45% and 31% housewives respectively.
Anmerkungen

Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02) Schumann

[58.] Af/Fragment 102 21 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 13. March 2017, 13:36 Schumann
Erstellt: 7. March 2017, 22:30 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Alavi 1991, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
KomplettPlagiat
Bearbeiter
Graf Isolan
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 102, Zeilen: 21-25
Quelle: Alavi 1991
Seite(n): 1 (Internetversion), Zeilen: -
The life of lower middle class women in salaried employment is subject to rather different kinds of pressures. Her working day starts early, for she must feed her husband and children and send them off to school before she herself rushes off to work. In the case of a woman who is the first to be picked up or the last to be dropped home this can add an hour, or even two, to the long day spent at work. The life of lower middle class women in salaried employment is subject to rather different kinds of pressures. Her working day starts early, for she must feed her husband and children and send them off to school before she herself rushes off to work. [...] In the case of a woman who is the first to be picked up or the last to be dropped home this can add an hour, or even two, to the long day spent at work.
Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

This is the second time Af uses this text in her thesis. For the first time see Fragment 032 01.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[59.] Af/Fragment 103 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 13. March 2017, 13:37 Schumann
Erstellt: 7. March 2017, 22:44 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Alavi 1991, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
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Graf Isolan
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 103, Zeilen: 1-3
Quelle: Alavi 1991
Seite(n): 1 (Internetversion), Zeilen: -
Very few women happen to have particularly enlightened and helpful relatives (e.g. a mother-in-law) or a co-operative husband who is willing to take over some of their chores. [...]; women who happen to have particularly enlightened and helpful relatives (e.g. a mother-in-law) or a co-operative and politically committed husband (a rare commodity) who is willing to take over some of their chores during their short absence.
Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

This is the second time Af uses this text in her thesis. For the first time see Fragment 032 01.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[60.] Af/Fragment 113 13 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. April 2017, 15:38 Schumann
Erstellt: 4. April 2017, 20:20 (Graf Isolan)
Af, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, World Bank 1990

Typus
BauernOpfer
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Graf Isolan
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 113, Zeilen: (12-13), 13-21
Quelle: World Bank 1990
Seite(n): 89, Zeilen: 28-37
The World Bank (1989:89) estimates that seventy percent of Pakistan’s urban labour force is engaged in informal sector activities. Here, the informal sector predominantly consist of a large number of small-scale production and service activities that are individually or family owned and use indigenous inputs and labour intensive, simple technology. It overlaps the small scale sub-sector, particularly household enterprises, and covers much of the “service” sector outside public service. The usually self-employed workers in this sector are engaged in activities ranging from hawking, street-vending, marketing, knife-sharpening, shoe-shining, and junk-collecting to selling fruits, vegetables, etc. Other find jobs as mechanics, blacksmith, carpenters, small artisans, handicraft workers, potters, barbers and domestics.

World Bank, 1998: Women in Pakistan. And economic and social strategy, Country Report, Washington, D.C.

10.09 The urban informal sector is characterized by a large number of small-scale production and service activities that are individually or family owned and use indigenous inputs and labor-intensive, simple technology. It overlaps the small scale sub-sector, particularly household enterprises, and covers much of the "service" sector outside public service. The usually self-employed workers in this sector are engaged in activities ranging from hawking, street-vending, marketing, knife-sharpening, shoe-shining, and junk-collecting to selling fruits, vegetables, etc. Others find jobs as mechanics, blacksmiths, carpenters, small artisans, handicraft workers, potters, barbers, and domestics.
Anmerkungen

Indeed the source has been given. Nevertheless, since nothing has been marked as a citation it is not clear to the reader that the whole paragraph has been taken verbatim.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[61.] Af/Fragment 133 14 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 14. March 2017, 09:14 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 13. March 2017, 16:39 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, Nasir 2000, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Graf Isolan
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 133, Zeilen: 14-17
Quelle: Nasir 2000
Seite(n): 1 (internet resource), Zeilen: -
It is the rural areas that make up the real strength of Pakistan in the form of female population. There is a vast difference in attitudes of women, and their behaviour in urban and rural areas of Pakistan. It is the rural areas that make up the real strength of Pakistan in the form of the female population. [...]

[...]

There is a vast difference in attitudes of women, and their behaviour, in urban and rural areas.

Anmerkungen

Found in Af's "Summary": no source given; nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[62.] Af/Fragment 134 34 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. April 2017, 15:42 Schumann
Erstellt: 4. April 2017, 20:05 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung, World Bank 1990

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Graf Isolan
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 134, Zeilen: 34-36
Quelle: World Bank 1990
Seite(n): xxi, Zeilen: 21-24
Women suffer additional constraints because their mobility is restricted, they have very little control over resources, have limited decision-making power, less knowledge of awareness of their rights, a poor self concept and limited aspirations. "[...] Women suffer additional constraints because their mobility is restricted, they have little control over resources, limited decision-making power, a low level of awareness of their civic rights, a poor self-concept, and limited aspirations."9

9 from Chapter 33 of the Seventh Five-Year Plan, "Women's Development: A National Imperative", pp.245, 246.

Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[63.] Af/Fragment 138 31 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 23. March 2017, 21:41 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 22. March 2017, 23:44 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Fragment, Gesichtet, Naqvi and Shahnaz 2002, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Graf Isolan
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 138, Zeilen: 31-33, 34-37
Quelle: Naqvi and Shahnaz 2002
Seite(n): Internet 14, Zeilen: 15-21
Above results show that the chances of a woman to be a paid and productive member of the society increases with education and improves significantly the better educated the woman is. [...] Thus the focus on women’s education is not only important to start the virtuous cycle of higher human capital, lower fertility, better care of children, etc, but is an investment to push forward the boundaries of the country’s production possibility curve and have a higher GDP. Our results show that everything remaining constant, the chances of a woman to be a paid and productive member of the society increases with education and improves significantly the better educated the woman is. Thus the focus on women’s education is not only important to start the virtuous cycle of higher human capital, lower fertility, better care of children, etc, that demographers talk about but is an investment to push forward the boundaries of the country’s production possibility curve and have a higher GDP.
Anmerkungen

No source given; nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[64.] Af/Fragment 139 25 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 12. March 2017, 21:05 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 8. March 2017, 13:37 (Graf Isolan)
Af, Asian Development Bank 2000, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
KomplettPlagiat
Bearbeiter
Graf Isolan
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 139, Zeilen: 25-31
Quelle: Asian Development Bank 2000
Seite(n): 20, Zeilen: 36-41
Women in Pakistan are now confronted with the challenge of how to ensure that the State will fulfil its commitment towards gender equality. International conventions require Pakistan to create a favourable social, legal, and political policy environment for women by introducing necessary changes. However, no substantive initiative has been taken by the Government to meet its international commitments. Therefore, it is important that the international community and social movements at the national level assume a stronger role in this regard. Women in Pakistan are now confronted with the challenge of how to ensure that the State will fulfill its commitment towards gender equality. International conventions require Pakistan to create a favorable social, legal, and political policy environment for women by introducing necessary changes. However, no substantive initiative has been taken by the Government to meet its international commitments. Therefore, it is important that the international community and social movements at the national level assume a stronger role in this regard.
Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Note that this passage appears in the "Conclusion and Policy Implications"-part of Af's thesis and is supposed to be Af's own findings.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[65.] Af/Fragment 139 32 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 16. March 2017, 07:52 Klgn
Erstellt: 15. March 2017, 20:16 (Schumann)
Af, Ahmar 2004, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
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Bearbeiter
Schumann
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 139, Zeilen: 32-37
Quelle: Ahmar 2004
Seite(n): online, Zeilen: 0
There is a need to create a gender-friendly media based on dialogue and debate rather than on stereotypical perceptions and images of women.

There is a need to develop alternative (gender-neutral and non-sexist) concepts, approaches, and strategies for women’s development for use by male and female journalists and editors, to enable them to understand, recognize and acknowledge the multidimensional roles played by women in society.

There is a need to develop alternative (gender-neutral and non-sexist) concepts, approaches, and strategies for women’s development for use by male and female journalists and editors, to enable them to understand, recognize and acknowledge the multi-dimensional roles played by women in society. [...]

[...]

This, when achieved, will undoubtedly help to create a gender-friendly media based on dialogue and debate rather than on stereotypical perceptions and images of women.

Anmerkungen

No source given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Note that this passage appears in the "Conclusion and Policy Implications"-part of Af's thesis and is supposed to be Af's own findings.

Sichter
(Schumann), SleepyHollow02

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