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142 gesichtete, geschützte Fragmente: Plagiat

[1.] Ama/Fragment 136 35 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:28 Schumann
Erstellt: 11. May 2017, 17:06 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung, Wikipedia Citizenship 2008

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
SleepyHollow02, Graf Isolan
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 136, Zeilen: 35-37
Quelle: Wikipedia Citizenship 2008
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: 0
Citizenship of the European Union was introduced by the Maastricht Treaty, signed in 1992. It exists alongside national citizenship and provides additional rights to nationals of Member States of the European Union. The Maastricht Treaty introduced new phenomena into community primary law — the citizen[ship of the European Union. Article 17 (ex-article 8) TEC says: "Citizenship of the Union is hereby established. Every citizen holding the nationality of a Member State shall be a citizen of the Union" (Maastricht version); "citizenship of the Union shall complement and not replace national citizenship" (Amsterdam amendment).] Citizenship of the European Union was introduced by the Maastricht Treaty signed in 1992. It exists alongside national citizenship and provides additional rights to nationals of Member States of the European Union.

[...]

Article 17 (1) of the amended Treaties of Rome[11] states that

Citizenship of the Union is hereby established. Every person holding the nationality of a Member State shall be a citizen of the Union. Citizenship of the Union shall complement and not replace national citizenship.
Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), (Graf Isolan), Hindemith

[2.] Ama/Fragment 123 17 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:28 Schumann
Erstellt: 11. May 2017, 19:55 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, European Commission 2007, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
SleepyHollow02
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 123, Zeilen: 17-39
Quelle: European Commission 2007
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: 0
A Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) is a binding treaty acting as a catalyst for change. The full implementation of the provisions of the SAA represents for a specific Western Balkan country an essential step towards integration into the EU. A SAA is an instrument that will accompany the countries of the region all their way to the EU accession. As decided at the Thessaloniki Summit, no intermediate contractual phases exist between the SAA and the EU accession. The SAAs are modelled on the Europe Agreements with the CEEC, while containing also specificities such as the obligation for regional cooperation and provisions on Justice and Home Affairs matters. Each SAA covers the implementation of the same core tasks, while some aspects can be tailored individually to each Western Balkan country. Especially the most important areas covered by SAA are:

- establishment of political dialogue;

- promotion of regional cooperation;

- establishment of a free area between the specific country and the EU;

- mutual concession concerning the "four freedoms": free movement of goods, free movement workers, freedom to build establishments or to supply services, and free movement of capital;

- approximation of legislation of a specific country to Community law, including precise rules in the fields of competition, intellectual property rights and public procurement;

- wide-ranging cooperation in all areas of EU policies, including in the area of Justice and Home Affairs.

A SAA is a binding Treaty acting as a catalyst for change. The full implementation of the provisions of a SAA represents for a specific Western Balkan country, an essential step towards integration into the EU. A SAA is an instrument that will accompany the countries of the region all their way to EU accession - as decided at the Thessaloniki Summit, no intermediate contractual phases exist between the SAA and EU accession.

[...]

- The SAAs are modelled on the Europe Agreements with the Central and Eastern European countries, while containing also specificities such as the obligation for regional co-operation and provisions on Justice and Home Affairs matters.

- Each SAA covers the implementation of the same core tasks, while some aspects can be tailored individually to each Western Balkan country.

- Especially important areas covered by a SAA are:

- the establishment of political dialogue;

- the promotion of regional co-operation;

- the establishment of a free trade area between the specific country and the EU;

- mutual concessions concerning the “four freedoms”: movement of workers, establishment, supply of services, and movement of capital;

- the approximation of the legislation of a specific country to Community law, including precise rules in the fields of competition, intellectual property rights and public procurement;

- wide-ranging co-operation in all areas of EU policies, including in the area of justice and home affairs.

Anmerkungen

No source is given.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), PlagProf:-)

[3.] Ama/Fragment 115 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:27 Schumann
Erstellt: 10. June 2017, 13:14 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Ruga and Mertus 1999, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
SleepyHollow02
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 115, Zeilen: 1-5
Quelle: Ruga and Mertus 1999
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: 0
On 24 March 1999, NATO launched an air campaign against Serb military targets in Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo.

Milosevic forces responded by an all-out campaign to ethically [sic] cleanse Kosovo of its Albanian population, driving hundreds of thousands across the borders into Macedonia, Albania and Montenegro.

On March 24 NATO launched an air campaign against Serb military targets in Serbia, Montenegro, and Kosovo.

Milosevic's forces responded by an all-out campaign to ethnically cleanse Kosovo of its Albanian population, driving hundreds of thousands across the border into Macedonia, Albania, and Montenegro.

Anmerkungen

Continuation from previous page. No reference is given, a few minor editorial changes radically change the meaning in the second sentence.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), WiseWoman

[4.] Ama/Fragment 110 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:27 Schumann
Erstellt: 26. May 2017, 19:34 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BBC 2005, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
BauernOpfer
Bearbeiter
SleepyHollow02
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 110, Zeilen: 1-2.3-5
Quelle: BBC 2005
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: 0
However, the men accused of ordering the massacre — Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic, [was eventually arrested after 13 years; the Serbian government had hidden him but finally used him to "trade" him for its political profit] — while General Ratko Mladic is still at large despite efforts to capture him and to bring him to trial, [or maybe the "price" has not been paid yet?

The BBC news service holds the opinions of some people from the region and worldwide; some of their opinions are set out below: 376]


376 See BBC News service, available on: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/4652435.stm, last visited on 20 January 2009.

However the men accused of ordering the massacre - Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic and his military commander, General Ratko Mladic - are still at large despite efforts to capture them and bring them to trial.
Anmerkungen

The source is mentioned further below, and in a different context.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), PlagProf:-)

[5.] Ama/Fragment 109 32 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:27 Schumann
Erstellt: 12. May 2017, 07:50 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BBC 2005, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
BauernOpfer
Bearbeiter
SleepyHollow02
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 109, Zeilen: 32-35
Quelle: BBC 2005
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: 0
About 8.000 Muslims men and boys were massacred in the eastern Bosnian town, in what became the worst atrocity in Europe since World War II. Bosnian Serb forces, supported by the military forces of Serbia, carried out the killings after overrunning the town, which the UN had declared a "safe area". About 8,000 Muslim men and boys were massacred in the eastern Bosnian town, in what became the worst atrocity to hit Europe since World War II.

Bosnian Serb forces carried out the killings after overrunning the town, which the UN had declared a "safe area".

Anmerkungen

The source is given in Fn. 376 on the following page. This reference, however, covers the following literal quotations only and is given in the next paragraph.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), Hindemith

[6.] Ama/Fragment 100 04 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:26 Schumann
Erstellt: 15. May 2017, 11:35 (Klgn)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Duff 2006, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
BauernOpfer
Bearbeiter
Klgn
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 100, Zeilen: 4-9
Quelle: Duff 2006
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
The Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, signed in October 2004, was considered as the proper way to equip the European Union to meet the demands of the 21st century and the aspirations of a large majority of its citizens. Without such a constitution, Europe will lack internal cohesion and external strength, and the Union's development into a mature, post-national democracy will be halted.353

353 Duff Andrew, Plan B: How to Rescue the European Constitution, Studies and Research No. 52, published on: www.notre-europe.eu, last visited on 18 January 2009.

Executive Summary
  • The Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, signed in October 2004, will well equip the European Union to meet the demands of the 21st Century and the aspirations of a large majority of its citizens. Without the constitution, Europe will lack internal cohesion and external strength, and the Union's development into a mature, post-national democracy will be halted.
Anmerkungen

Though the source is mentioned, nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Klgn), SleepyHollow02, Hindemith

[7.] Ama/Fragment 087 15 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:26 Schumann
Erstellt: 19. October 2017, 21:39 (WiseWoman)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Berlin Wall Online 2009b, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
BauernOpfer
Bearbeiter
WiseWoman
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 87, Zeilen: 15-19
Quelle: Berlin Wall Online 2009b
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: 0
The fall of the Berlin Wall had begun with the building of the wall in 1961.312 However, it took about three decades until the Wall was pulled down. Several times people in the Communist countries rebelled against the Communist system but failed. The victims of the uprising against the Communist dictatorship in Berlin 1953, Budapest 1956 or Prague 1968 will never be forgotten.

312 On 13 August 1961 the Berlin Wall was erected and divided the city of Berlin for more than 28 years, in: Berlin Wall online, available on: http://dailysoft.com/berlinwall/photographs/berlinwall-1961.htm. last visited on 16 January 2009.

The fall of the Berlin Wall had begun with the building of the Wall in 1961.

However it took about three decades until the Wall was torn down.

Several times people in the Communist countries rised up against the Communist system but they failed.

The victims of the uprisings against the Communist dictatorship in Berlin 1953, Budapest 1956 or Prague 1968 will never been forgotten.

Anmerkungen

A reference to another page on the web site about the Berlin Wall is given, but not to the page from which the text was taken and slightly reworded.

Sichter
(WiseWoman), PlagProf:-)

[8.] Ama/Fragment 087 08 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:23 Schumann
Erstellt: 12. May 2017, 10:48 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Berlin Wall online 2009a, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
BauernOpfer
Bearbeiter
SleepyHollow02
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 87, Zeilen: 8-14, 20-25
Quelle: Berlin Wall online 2009a
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: 0
In the afternoon of 12 August 1961 at 4 p.m, Walter Ulbricht, the East German Leader, signed the commands to close the border. The following Sunday, at midnight, the army, police and the "Kampfgruppen" began to bolt the city. The wall was built and separated the city into two parts. Streets, the railway and the S-Bahn (City railway) were closed, even cemeteries were not spared. Nothing was forgotten and East Germans would not be allowed to freely travel to the west until 1989.311

[...]

In 9 November 1989, at a press conference held by the SED government, it was announced that travel restrictions for East Germans had been lifted. That night people from the East Berlin flooded into the western part of the city and hundreds of thousands celebrated throughout the city. Next day, Berliners begin to discover the parts of their city from which they'd previously been prevented access.313


311 Berlin Wall Articles, brief history, available on: http://dailysoft.com/berlinwall/history/index.htm, last visited on 16 January 2009.

[...]

313 Basic Facts, Berlin Wall, available on: http://europa.eu/abc/history/2000_today/2002/index_en.htm, last visited on 16 January 2009.

In the afternoon of August 12 at 4 p.m. Walter Ulbricht, the East German leader, signed the commands to close the border. Next Sunday at midnight the army, police and the "Kampfgruppen" began to bolt the city. The wall is built and separates the city into two parts for more than 28 years.

Streets, the railway and the S-Bahn (city railway) are broken, stations of the U-Bahn (underground railway) are closed, even cemeteries are not spared. Nothing is forgotten and the East Germans will not be allowed to free travel to the West until 1989.

November 9, 1989

A press conference is held where the SED government announced that travel restrictions for East Germans had been lifted. In that night people from East Berlin flooded into the western part of the city and hundreds of thousands celebrated throughout the city. Next day Berliners begin to discover the other part of their city.

Anmerkungen

Even though the reference is given, it is not made clear how close the text is.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), WiseWoman

[9.] Ama/Fragment 080 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:23 Schumann
Erstellt: 8. June 2017, 06:51 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Historiasiglo20 2008, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Bearbeiter
SleepyHollow02
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 80, Zeilen: 1-11
Quelle: Historiasiglo20 2008
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: 0
We must build a kind of United States of Europe; (....) the first step in the recreation of the European Family must be a partnership between France and Germany".291 This speech has been considered by many people as the first step towards European integration in the post war period.

The first step in the process of the foundation of the European Community was provided by the French Foreign Minister, Robert Schuman. In a speech inspired by Jean Monnet, Schuman proposed that France and Germany — and any other European Country wishing to join them — should pool their coal and steel resources. This plan of economic integration focused on locking in the common interests of France and Germany, as the vehicle for indefinitely casting aside the spectre of further war in Europe.


291 Churchill, Winston, Speech at Zurich University in Switzerland, 19 September 1946.

We must build a kind of United States of Europe. (...) The first step in the recreation of the European Family must be a partnership between France and Germany."

Winston Churchill Speech at Zurich University 19th September 1946

[...]

The first step in the process of foundation of the European Community was given by the French Foreign Minister, Robert Schuman. In a speech inspired by Jean Monnet, Schuman proposed that France and Germany and any other European country wishing to join them pool their coal and steel resources. This plan of economic integration looked for developing the approach between France and Germany, moving definitively away the haunt of war in Europe.

Anmerkungen

The source is only given in reference 292 further down the page without indication to what extent the text overlaps.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), WiseWoman

[10.] Ama/Fragment 064 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:22 Schumann
Erstellt: 7. June 2017, 06:01 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Economist 2008, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
SleepyHollow02
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 64, Zeilen: 1-3
Quelle: Economist 2008
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: 0
[Many] politicians and commentators, notably in Germany, have demanded that a second Irish referendum on Lisbon Treaty must ask voters a tough question, namely: Do you want the Treaty of Lisbon, or do you want to leave the EU? Many politicians and commentators, notably in Germany, have demanded that a second Irish referendum on Lisbon must ask voters a tough question, namely: do you want Lisbon, or do you want to leave the EU?
Anmerkungen

The source is not given. Continuation from previous page.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), WiseWoman

[11.] Ama/Fragment 114 20 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:19 Schumann
Erstellt: 27. April 2017, 21:06 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Ruga and Mertus 1999, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
Graf Isolan
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 114, Zeilen: 20-31
Quelle: Ruga and Mertus 1999
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
The international community pulled all monitors out of Kosovo in late March. This was the green light Milosevic was waiting for and had begun preparations for a massive sweep of Kosovo as his forces sutured [sic] the region. Meanwhile, the USA still hoped that Milosevic would give in. Even as the killing had already begun in Kosovo, Richard Holbrooke made one last, unsuccessful attempt to convince Milosevic to sign, explaining in detail what NATO would do to his military infrastructure if he refused.

After years of hollow threats against Milosevic and years of Milosevic destroying much of Bosnia and part of Croatia, killing hundreds of thousands of people, and responsible for escalating human rights abuses in Kosovo, NATO finally was determined to move ahead. While always hoping that Milosevic would finally back down with the credible threat of force, NATO did not possess much [credibility at that decisive moment.]

The international community pulled all monitors out of Kosovo in late March. This was the green light Milosevic was waiting for and he began preparations for a massive sweep of Kosovo as his forces saturated the region. Meanwhile, the U.S. still hoped that Milosevic would give in. Even as the killing had already begun in Kosovo, Richard Holbrooke made one last, unsuccessful attempt to convince Milosevic to sign, explaining in detail what NATO would do to his military infrastructure if he refused.

NATO Bombing

After years of hollow threats against Milosevic and years of Milosevic destroying much of Bosnia and part of Croatia, killing hundreds of thousands of people, and responsible for escalating human rights abuses in Kosovo, NATO was finally determined to move ahead. While always hoping that Milosevic would finally back down with the credible threat of force, NATO did not posses [sic] much credibility at that decisive moment.

Anmerkungen

No source given; nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[12.] Ama/Fragment 114 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:19 Schumann
Erstellt: 27. April 2017, 20:12 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Ruga and Mertus 1999, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
Graf Isolan
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 114, Zeilen: 1-17
Quelle: Ruga and Mertus 1999
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
[The first major] massacre occurred in Prekaz383, in the spring of 1998 when 51 members of extended family of Adem Jashari384 were killed and their body massacred by the Serbians.385 Again, despite detailed reports of human rights investigators, the international community did nothing other than issue Milosevic an empty warning. Throughout 1998 Milosevic increased his troop strength in Kosovo and began a scorched-earth policy of destroying whole villages in his attempt to wipe out the KLA. But for each village destroyed, more KLA members would sprout up in defiance. Kosovo's Srebrenica occurred in January 1999 when Serb forces in a series of massacres killed 41 civilians in the Kosovo village of Racak. While international mediators called it a massacre, Milosevic claimed that the slain villagers were actually KLA terrorists in civilian clothes. International forensic experts were soon to prove this untrue.

The violence continued to escalate. Finally a group of nations known as the Contact Group386 brought both Kosovo387 and Serb388 negotiators together in Rambouillet/Paris in March 1999 to agree to a peace plan. While the negotiations were going on, Milosevic continued to pour heavy weapons and troops into Kosovo.


383 Central part of Kosovo, known as Drenica region.

384 Who has became the legendary hero of the freedom and independent Kosovovo. [sic]

385 Well known tactics of the Serbian forces that has been used in Bosnia and Croati before with the aim to scary civilians for realising the ethnic clearing. The masscred bodies were brodacsted at that time by the medias, even those controlled by the regime. [sic!]

386 The Contact Group was composed by the USA, Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Russia.

387 Kosovo delegation was leaded by the Head of Political Directorate of KLA Mr Hashim Thaqi.

388 Serbian delegation by the Prime Minister of Serbia.

The first major massacre occurred in the Drenica region in the spring of 1998 when 51 members of an extended clan were killed by Serb forces in retaliation for a KLA provocation. Again, despite detailed reports of human rights investigators, the international community did nothing other than issue Milosevic an empty warning.

[...] Throughout 1998 Milosevic increased his troop strength in Kosovo and began a scorched-earth policy of destroying whole villages in his attempt to wipe out the KLA. But for each village destroyed, more KLA members would sprout up in defiance. The Srebrenica of Kosovo occurred in January 1999 when Serb forces killed 41 civilians in the Kosovo village of Racak. While international mediators called it a massacre, Milosevic claimed that the slain villagers were actually KLA terrorists in civilian clothes. International forensic experts were soon to prove this untrue.

Rambouillet

[...] The violence continued to escalate. Finally a group of nations known as the Contact Group (the U.S., Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and Russia) brought both Kosovo and Serb negotiators together in Rambouillet, France, in March 1999 to agree to a peace plan. [...]

While negotiations were going on in Rambouillet, Milosevic continued to pour heavy weapons and troops into Kosovo.

Anmerkungen

No source given; nothing has been marked as a citation. The language used in the footnotes for this fragment is quite poor with numerous errors.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[13.] Ama/Fragment 113 18 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:18 Schumann
Erstellt: 27. April 2017, 20:05 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Ruga and Mertus 1999, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
Graf Isolan
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 113, Zeilen: 18-38
Quelle: Ruga and Mertus 1999
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
During the long years of war in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo remained under the tight control of Milosevic. The Kosovars responded by setting up parallel civil administration, schools and healthcare facilities. They also resisted the Milosevic regime with nonviolent Gandhian tactics. All the time, the Kosovars hoped the international community would recognize their plight and come to their aid. Despite periodic reports by human rights investigators and international diplomats of gross and systematic human rights violations against Kosovars, the international community did nothing. The final straw for Kosovars was Dayton, when the international community had the upper hand with Milosevic, yet completely ignored the problem of Kosovo. The Kosovars even attempted to attend Dayton, but they were not allowed to leave their plane and were sent back across the Atlantic. This demonstrated to the Kosovars that the international community was not going to come to their support. It also demonstrated that non-violent tactics were not going to get the world’s attention. Only tremendous human rights abuses as had been suffered by the Bosnian Muslims would force the world to intervene.

With the situation in Kosovo only getting worse and with tit for tat retaliations by the Serb forces, finally in 28 November 1997, at a funeral for a Kosovar teacher killed by Serbian forces, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) stood up publically and asked for the support from the Kosovars and international community (NATO intervention, to prevent the war in large scale).

Kosovo

During the long years of war in Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia, Kosovo remained under the tight control of Milosevic. The Kosovar Albanians responded by setting up a parallel civil adminstration [sic], schools, and healthcare facilities. They also resisted the Milosevic regime with nonviolent, Gandhian tactics under the leadership of Ibrahim Rugova.

All this time, the Kosovar Albanians hoped the international community would recognize their plight and come to their aid. Despite periodic reports by human rights investigators and international diplomats on gross and systematic human rights violations against Kosovar Albanians, the international community did nothing. The final straw for the Kosovar Albanians was Dayton, when the international community had the upper hand with Milosevic yet completely ignored the problem in Kosovo. The Kosovars even attempted to attend Dayton, but were not allowed to leave their plane and were sent back across the Atlantic. This demonstrated to the Kosovars that the international community was not going to come to their support. It also demonstrated that nonviolent tactics were not going to get the world's attention. Only tremendous human rights abuses as suffered by the Bosnian Muslims would force the world to intervene.

With the situation in Kosovo only getting worse, and tit for tat retaliations by the Serb forces, finally in November 1997, at a funeral for slain Kosovars, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) stood up publicly and asked for support from the Kosovo Albanian community.

Anmerkungen

No source given; nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[14.] Ama/Fragment 107 04 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:18 Schumann
Erstellt: 30. April 2017, 22:47 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Stuart 2003

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BauernOpfer
Bearbeiter
Graf Isolan
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 107, Zeilen: 4-13
Quelle: Stuart 2003
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
The operation was seen as a crucial test for EU military crisis management capabilities and for the future deployment of the European Rapid Reaction Force (EURRF) expected to be operational shortly, which is designed to commit up to 60,000 men, 100 warship [sic] and 400 aircraft for worldwide operations lasting up to a year.370 However, political leaders in Europe have been more circumspect. Javier Solana, EU High Representative, played down its significance. It was not "EU in, NATO out" but a closer relationship between NATO and the European Union. Germany's Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer declared the mission an "improvement in the EU's capacity in terms of European Security and Defence Policy".

370 See more at: http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/apr2003/mace-a10.shtml, last visited on 20 January 2009.

The operation is seen as a crucial test for EU military crisis management capabilities and the future deployment of the European Rapid Reaction Force (EURRF) — expected to be operational this summer. As one observer in the Daily Telegraph suggested, “The low key mission, Operation Concordia, is a gentle start for the rapid reaction force, which is designed to draw on up to 60,000 men, 100 warships and 400 aircraft for world wide operations lasting up to a year.”

[...]

However political leaders in Europe have been more circumspect. Javier Solano, the EU foreign minister, played down its significance. It was not “EU in, NATO out”, but a closer relationship between NATO and the European Union. Germany’s Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer declared the mission an “improvement in the EU’s capacity to act in terms of European security and defence policy.”

Anmerkungen

Though the source is mentioned (but only for "See more at"), nothing has been marked as a citation. The last quotation is missing two words, so the phrase does not make sense.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[15.] Ama/Fragment 124 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:15 Schumann
Erstellt: 12. June 2017, 06:36 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, European Commission 2007, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
SleepyHollow02
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 124, Zeilen: 1-11
Quelle: European Commission 2007
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: 0
The aim of the SAA is to provide an institutional framework for the development of a political dialogue between the EU and the Western Balkan countries, which is already ongoing and has been particularly promoted by the Thessaloniki agenda. The SAA framework contributes to the development of political relations between the EU and countries of the region, promotes an increasing convergence of views on security and stability in Europe, and contributes also to harmonizing positions regarding international issues. The political dialogue with the EU will also promote the countries full integration into a community of democratic nations. The EU is committed to support the Western Balkan countries in their efforts to develop both their economic and international cooperation. - To provide an institutionalised framework for the development of political dialogue. Political dialogue between the EU and the Western Balkan countries is already held and has been particularly promoted by the Thessaloniki agenda. The SAA framework will contribute to the development of political relations between the EU and the countries of the region. It will promote an increasing convergence of views on security and stability in Europe, and will contribute to harmonising positions regarding international issues. The political dialogue with the EU will also promote the countries’ full integration into the community of democratic nations. The EU is committed to support the Western Balkan countries in their efforts to develop both their economic and international cooperation.
Anmerkungen

No source is given.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), PlagProf:-)

[16.] Ama/Fragment 042 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:14 Schumann
Erstellt: 5. June 2017, 18:12 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Euractiv 2003, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
SleepyHollow02, Graf Isolan
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 42, Zeilen: 1-3
Quelle: Euractiv 2003
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
[In order to maximize the international influ]ence of the European Union, the "Europeans" had to define more clearly what kind of Union their project seeks to establish. Foreign Policy, in turn, was a key means of expressing that identity. For the Europeans to maximise Europe’s international influence, they have to define more clearly what kind of union their project seeks to establish. Foreign policy, in turn, is a key means of expressing that identity.
Anmerkungen

Continued from the previous page (Fragment 041 09). The source is not given. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), (Graf Isolan), PlagProf:-)

[17.] Ama/Fragment 106 22 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:14 Schumann
Erstellt: 29. April 2017, 21:30 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Stuart 2003, Verschleierung

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Graf Isolan
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Quelle: Stuart 2003
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Apart from Bosnia and Herzegovina, on 31 March 2003 the European Union took command of the NATO mission in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. During a military ceremony at the NATO headquarter in the capital Skopje, Lord Robertson, secretary general of NATO, handed the NATO mission over to the EU commanded Operation Concordia.367

367 See Council Joint Action 2003/92/CFSP of the 27 January 2003 on the European Union military operation in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, OJ L 012, 17/01/2004 P.0054 -0057, available on: http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:22004A0117(01):EN:HTML, last visited on 15 March 2009.

On March 31 the European Union (EU) took command of the NATO mission in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). During a military ceremony at the NATO headquarters in the capital Skopje, Lord Robertson, secretary general of NATO, handed the NATO mission over to EU command Operation Concordia.
Anmerkungen

No source given; nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[18.] Ama/Fragment 099 17 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:13 Schumann
Erstellt: 22. April 2017, 02:57 (Hindemith)
Ama, BBC 2007, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
BauernOpfer
Bearbeiter
Hindemith, Graf Isolan
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 99, Zeilen: (15-16), 17-32
Quelle: BBC 2007
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
6. A Never Ending Ratification Process: Replacement of the Treaty on a Constitution for Europe by the Lisbon Treaty?

In France, the legally binding referendum on 29 May 2005 resulted in a "No" vote of almost 55 %. Both the main parties — the governing, conservative UMP and the Socialist Party — were in favour of the TCE, but both also had dissidents campaigning for a "No". The far left and right were opposing, as were trade unions, some farmers groups and representatives of the anti-globalisation movement.

In the Netherlands, some 61.6 % of Dutch voters said "No" to the TCE on 1 June 2005, even though the main political parties, trade unions and most newspapers were backing a "Yes". In January 2006, the Dutch Foreign Minister Bernard Bot went further than any other European government minister, saying that, for the Netherlands, the constitution was "dead". In May 2006 he said he thought the constitution would "stay dead".351 However, a new Dutch government formed at the beginning of 2007 has signalled it will cooperate with efforts to tackle institutional reforms in the EU. The government has asked a body known as the State Council to rule on whether a referendum would be necessary on any future treaty based on the constitution.


351 EU Constitution: Where Member States stand, BBC News, Sunday, 25 March 2007, available on: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/ europe/3954327.stm, last visited on 18 January 2009.

France: A legally binding referendum on 29 May 2005 resulted in a "No" vote of almost 55%. Both the main parties - the governing, conservative UMP and the Socialist Party - were in favour of the constitution, but both parties also had dissidents campaigning for a "No". The far left and the far right were opposed, as were as were trade unions, some farmers' groups and the anti-globalisation movement.

[...]

The Netherlands: Some 61.6% of Dutch voters said "No" to the constitution on 1 June 2005, even though the main political parties, trade unions and most newspapers were backing a "Yes". In January 2006, the then Dutch Foreign Minister Bernard Bot went further than any other European government minister, saying that for the Netherlands, the constitution was "dead". In May 2006 he said he thought the constitution would "stay dead".

However, a new Dutch government formed at the beginning of 2007 has signalled it will co-operate with efforts to tackle institutional reforms in the EU. The government has asked a body known as the State Council to rule on whether a referendum would be necessary on any future treaty based on the constitution.

Anmerkungen

The source is given, but the extent and literal character of the citation does not become clear.

Sichter
(Hindemith), (Graf Isolan), WiseWoman

[19.] Ama/Fragment 054 08 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:13 Schumann
Erstellt: 6. September 2017, 20:35 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, Euractiv 2003, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Verschleierung
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Graf Isolan
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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 54, Zeilen: 8-13
Quelle: Euractiv 2003
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
The so-called Petersburg [sic] tasks set the parameters for EU military missions, which ranged from humanitarian relief to ending regional conflicts, while in the years to come the EU had to develop the organization and capabilities to combat threats like terrorism and spread of weapons of mass destruction, which were not covered by the Petersburg [sic] tasks. For external security, the so-called ‘Petersberg tasks’ set the parameters for EU military missions, which range from humanitarian relief to ending regional conflicts. The Convention draft does not go beyond these limits. However, the debate at the IGC will be influenced by Javier Solana’s June 2003 ‘Security Strategy’, which argues that the EU should develop effective policies (and hence the organisation and capabilities) to combat threats like terrorism and the spread of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), which are not covered by the Petersberg tasks.
Anmerkungen

No source given; nothing has been marked as a citation.

Note that these are indeed "Petersberg tasks" as in Petersberg (Germany) and not "Petersburg tasks" with (St.) Petersburg being in Russia. Not once is this done correctly in Ama's thesis.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), PlagProf:-)

[20.] Ama/Fragment 054 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:13 Schumann
Erstellt: 6. June 2017, 12:14 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Stuart 2003

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SleepyHollow02
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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 54, Zeilen: 1-3
Quelle: Stuart 2003
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Or do we want to play a part, on equal footing with our allies, in building a new world order?" France, Belgium and Germany were unable to win majority for their position of opposing war against Iraq in the European Parliament. Or do we want to play a part, on an equal footing with our allies, in building a new world order?”

France, Belgium and Germany were unable to win a majority for their position of opposing war against Iraq in the European Parliament. [...]

Anmerkungen

Continuation from the previous page. The missing word "a" in Ama makes the sentence grammatically incorrect.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), WiseWoman

[21.] Ama/Fragment 053 15 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:12 Schumann
Erstellt: 29. April 2017, 21:36 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Stuart 2003

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Seite: 53, Zeilen: 15-21, 24-36
Quelle: Stuart 2003
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
EU policeman [sic] were already deployed in Bosnia, and the EU sent 320 soldiers, wearing EU emblems on their fatigues, and 80 civilians to Macedonia on March 31st - the Union's first military mission, named "Operation Concordia". The NATO flag was lowered and the EU flag hoisted. In the speeches that followed, the Rt. Hon. Lord Robertson, the 10th Secretary General of NATO declared, "the EU is demonstrating that its project of a European Security and Defence Policy has come of an age".

[...] A BBC correspondent suggested that the mission appeared to be more important to the EU than to Macedonia.214 That was not strictly true, as Macedonian politicians hoped the mission would bring it closer to membership of the EU.

The Frankfurter Rundschau argued: "It is a small mission, but of great historical significance. With this has up to now been a purely civilian EU is advancing irreversibly into military territory". It describes the particular importance of the mission at a time, of serious setbacks, due to deep rifts in Europe over Iraq at that time. Romano Prodi's speech on 26 March 2003 to the European Parliament, responding to the US-British invasion of Iraq, declared it was time for Member States to put aside secondary disagreement and to militarize: "The moment of truth for Europe's Foreign and Defence Policy arrived. ....The choice is clear: do we want to be left out, all of us, from the management of world affairs? [ [...]" ]


214 See the article by Paul Stuart, A major step for European militarism, 10 April 2003, available on: http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/apr2003/mace-a10.shtml, last visited on 12 January 2009.

To the strains of a military band and in front of 320 EU soldiers, wearing the EU emblem on their fatigues, and 80 civilians, the NATO flag was lowered and the EU flag hoisted. In the speeches that followed Robertson declared, “The EU is demonstrating that its project of a European Security and Defence Policy has come of age.”

[...]

A BBC correspondent suggested that the mission appeared to be more important to the EU than to Macedonia. This is not strictly true, as Macedonian politicians hope the mission will bring it closer to membership of the EU.

Since the invasion of Iraq the European press has taken a greater interest in Operation Concordia. The Frankfurter Rundschau argued, “It is a small mission, but of great historical significance. With this what has up to now been a purely civilian EU is advancing irreversibly into military territory.” A BBC correspondent penned an article entitled “The EU gets its gun.” It described the particular importance of the mission at a time of serious setbacks, due to deep rifts in Europe over Iraq.

Romano Prodi’s March 26 speech to the European parliament, responding to the US-British invasion of Iraq, declared it was time for member states to put aside secondary disagreements and militarise. “The moment of truth for Europe’s foreign and defence policy has arrived.... The choice is clear: do we want to be left out, all of us, from the management of world affairs? [...]"

Anmerkungen

Though the source is mentioned in a footnote (obviously with regard to the facts given in the text), nothing has been marked as a citation. The subject and the verb of the first sentence do not agree.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[22.] Ama/Fragment 064 03 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:09 Schumann
Erstellt: 22. April 2017, 06:32 (Hindemith)
Ama, Chopin Jamet 2008, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
KomplettPlagiat
Bearbeiter
Hindemith
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 64, Zeilen: 3-20
Quelle: Chopin Jamet 2008
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
The Irish referendum's NO to the Lisbon Treaty has been a forceful reminder on how the EU is perpetually threatened with paralysis whenever a unanimous decision is needed. Institutional reform is among the most striking examples of this, not least because it would have the effect of expanding Union's decision-making powers by introducing more qualified majority voting. The Unanimity problem also applies to areas like defence, immigration, energy, taxation, the protection of intellectual property, foreign policy and police and judicial cooperation. In all these cases, it can often be very hard to reach a consensus between 27 Member States and that inevitably impedes the whole process of European Integration. The logical conclusion of all this is that while it is essential to recognize the individual circumstances of any one Member State, the time has come to establish a decision-making framework that will allow progress to be made by those EU states that are able to agree on common actions.

The EU's history clearly shows that differentiated integration — both within and outside the framework of Treaties — is a practical proposition. The Euro, Schengen, Space Policy, and inter-governmental cooperation on industrial policy matters, are just e [sic] few examples of this.

The Irish referendum’s “no” to the Lisbon treaty has been a forceful reminder of how the EU is perpetually threatened with paralysis whenever a unanimous decision is needed. Institutional reform is among the most striking examples of this, not least because it would have the effect of expanding the Union’s decision-making powers by introducing more qualified majority voting.

The unanimity problem also applies to areas like defence, immigration, energy, taxation, the protection of intellectual property, foreign policy and police and judicial cooperation. In all of these cases, it can often be very hard to reach a consensus between 27 member states, and that inevitably impedes the whole process of European integration. The logical conclusion of all this is that while it is essential to recognise the individual circumstances of any one member state, the time has come to establish a decision-making framework that will allow progress to be made by those EU states that are able to agree on common actions.

The EU’s history clearly shows that differentiated integration – both within and outside the framework of treaties – is a practical proposition. The euro, Schengen, space policy, and inter-governmental cooperation on industrial policy matters, are just a few examples of this.

Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[23.] Ama/Fragment 063 31 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:09 Schumann
Erstellt: 22. April 2017, 06:39 (Hindemith)
Ama, Economist 2008, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
Hindemith
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 63, Zeilen: 31-33
Quelle: Economist 2008
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
a) The Problem of Unanimity

[...] Most of the Member States agree that unanimity is the only way to decide the most sensitive questions. But, their reluctance to allow an Irish NO vote to block Lisbon forever suggested an alarmingly narrow reading of unanimity.

The unanimity problem

[...]

Most governments agree that unanimity is the only way to decide the most sensitive questions. But their reluctance to allow an Irish no vote to block Lisbon forever suggests an alarmingly narrow reading of unanimity. [...]

Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[24.] Ama/Fragment 088 07 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:08 Schumann
Erstellt: 22. April 2017, 14:33 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Blacksell 1997, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Hindemith
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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 88, Zeilen: 7-27
Quelle: Blacksell 1997
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
The speed with which reunification actually occurred took everyone by surprise. In little more than a year, East Germany — the GDR — disintegrated and its territory was absorbed into FRG with no serious opposition and amid widespread public rejoicing, both at home and abroad.

The reunification of Germany in 3 October 1990 has undoubtedly signalled one of the most significant changes in the political geography of Europe in the second half of the 20th century. It transformed the the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) from a state in the front line of the Cold War confrontation to one of the heart of the new Europe, where the political certainties of the post World War II division into East and West have been replaced by an uncoordinated multitude of national interests and conflicts. The German nation, for so long divided between two separate states, has been brought together as one, and outstanding territorial disputes with Poland and other East European states have been officially resolved.314

Großdeutschland seems to have been permanently banished from the national agenda. The emotive and destabilizing debate about the merits of Großdeutschland or Kleindeutschland have been resolved by creating a Germany which, internally, has a strong democratic constitution and, externally, is bound to the European Union and accepts, by Treaty, the legitimacy of the states that surrounding it.


314 Blacksell, Mark, State and Nation: Germany since Reunification", University of Plymouth 1996, p. 1.

The reunification of Germany on October 3 1990 has undoubtedly signalled one of the most significant changes in the political geography of Europe in the second half of the 20th century. It transformed West Germany - the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) - from a state in the front line of the Cold War confrontation, to one at the heart of a new Europe, where the political certainties of the post World War II division into East and West have been replaced by an uncoordinated multitude of national interests and conflicts. The German nation, for so long divided between two separate states, has been brought together as one, and outstanding territorial disputes with Poland and other East European states have been officially resolved.

The speed with which reunification actually occurred took everyone by surprise. In little more than a year, East Germany - the German Democratic Republic (GDR) - disintegrated and its territory was absorbed into the FRG with no serious opposition and amid widespread public rejoicing, both at home and abroad. [...]

[...]

Großdeutschland seems to have been permanently banished from the national agenda. The emotive and destabilising debate about the merits of Großdeutschland and Kleindeutschland has been resolved by creating a Germany which, internally, has a strong democratic constitution and, externally, is bound closely to the European Union and accepts, by treaty, the legitimacy of the states that surround it.

Anmerkungen

The source is mentioned, but it does not become clear that the text is copied literally and that the copied text continues after the reference.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[25.] Ama/Fragment 080 18 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:08 Schumann
Erstellt: 22. April 2017, 10:21 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Historiasiglo20 2008, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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BauernOpfer
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Hindemith
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Yes
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Seite: 80, Zeilen: 18-35
Quelle: Historiasiglo20 2008
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
The American government was convinced that obstacles to free trade, spread after the 1929 slump and which rose to maximum expression in the Nazi and Fascist autarchy, had been largely responsible for the international tensions that led to the Second World War. The implementation of a free trade policy became a basic condition for any country to receive the so-desired American economic aid. Further, the world witnessed the beginning of the Cold War. The United States, applying the Truman Doctrine to curb the expansion of communism and the Soviet Union, launched the "Marshall Plan" to alleviate the difficulties of European Countries. It had a clear focus to foster economic development in a destroyed Europe with the political objective of impeding the extension of communism.292

The USA promoted the foundation of a centralized European Organization that administered and organized the delivery of the massive economic assistance of the Marshall Plan. In 1948, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) was established with this aim. This was one of first institutions that involved most of the Western European countries. OECD helped to liberalize trade amongst Member States, introduced ideas in favour of monetary agreements and enhanced economic cooperation. In 1949, following another [American initiative, most of the Western European democratic states founded — alongside the USA and Canada — NATO, the great Western military alliance to confront the Soviet Union.]


292 From the end of the war to Schuman Declaration (1945 — 1950), available on: http://www.historiasiglo20.org/europe/anteceden2.htm, last visited on 15 January 2009.

The American government was convinced that obstacles to free trade, spread after the 1929 slump and risen to its maximum expression in the Nazi and Fascist autarchy, had been largely responsible of the international tensions that led to the Second World War. The implementation of a free trade policy became a basic condition for any country to receive the so desired American economic aid.

Moreover, in that time the world witnessed the beginning of Cold War. The United States, applying the denominated Truman Doctrine to curb the expansion of communism and of the Soviet Union, launched the Marshall Plan to alleviate the difficulties of European countries. It was to foster economic development in a destroyed Europe with the political objective of impeding the extension of the communism.

The USA promoted the foundation of a centralised European organization that administered and organised the delivery of the massive economic help of the Plan Marshall. In 1948, the Organisation for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC) was established with this aim. This was one of the first institutions that involved a great part of Western European countries. OEEC helped to liberalise the trade among the member States, introduced ideas in favour of monetary agreements and enhanced economic cooperation.

In 1949, following again an American initiative, most of Western European democratic States founded, alongside the USA and Canada, the NATO, the great Western military alliance confronted with the Soviet Union.

Anmerkungen

The source is given in reference 292, but nothing has been marked as a citation, although the text is extremely close. Note that the OEEC was not renamed OECD until 1961 [1].

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[26.] Ama/Fragment 079 18 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:07 Schumann
Erstellt: 22. April 2017, 10:07 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Historiasiglo20 2008, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Hindemith
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 79, Zeilen: 18-32 (-38)
Quelle: Historiasiglo20 2008
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— Firstly, the European's awareness of their weakness. Second World War had put a definitive end to traditional European hegemony in the world. The two new superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union had hugely superior economic, political and military might than the heterogeneous group of European States.

— Secondly, the conviction that it was necessary to avoid, by all possible means, further confrontation between European States. The two world wars had begun as European civil wars and Europe had been the main battlefield in both. The European Integration would pave the way to guarantee the peace.

— Thirdly, the increased desire among many Europeans to create a freer, fairer and more prosperous continent in which the international relationships were developed in a framework of concord.

As mentioned on the first chapter of this paper, it was the former British Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, in 1946 at Zurich University (Switzerland), who said: "I wish to speak to you today about the tragedy of Europe, (...) yet all the while there is a remedy which, if it were generally and spontaneously adopted by the great majority of people in many lands, would, as if by a miracle, transform the whole scene, and would in a few years make all Europe, or the greater part of it, as free and as happy as Switzerland today. What is this sovereign remedy? It is to recreate the European Family, or as much of it as we can, and to provide it with a structure under which it can dwell in peace, in safety and [in freedom].

Firstly, the Europeans' awareness of their own weakness. Second World War had put a definitive end to the traditional European hegemony in the world. The two new superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, had a very superior economic, political and military might than the heterogeneous group of European States.

Secondly, the conviction that it was necessary to avoid, by all possible means, coming back to a confrontation among European States. The two world wars had begun as European civil wars and our continent had been the main battle field in both. Essentially, it was a question of searching an accommodation between France and Germany. A compromise that would be endorsed by the USA. The European integration will paved the way to guarantee peace.

Thirdly, the extended desire among many Europeans to create a freer, fairer and more prosperous continent in which the international relationships were developed in a framework of concord.

In 1946, the former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill pronounced a celebrated speech at Zurich University (Switzerland). It was considered by many people as the first step towards European integration in the postwar period.

Winston Churchill

"I wish to speak to you today about the tragedy of Europe. (...) Yet all the while there is a remedy which, if it were generally and spontaneously adopted by the great majority of people in many lands, would as if by a miracle transform the whole scene, and would in a few years make all Europe, or the greater part of it, as free and as happy as Switzerland is today. What is this sovereign remedy? It is to recreate the European Family, or as much of it as we can, and to provide it with a structure under which it can dwell in peace, in safety and in freedom.

Anmerkungen

The source is only given on the next page without indication as to how close the text overlap is.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[27.] Ama/Fragment 066 09 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:07 Schumann
Erstellt: 22. April 2017, 09:07 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Wikipedia Sovereignity 2007

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Hindemith
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Seite: 66, Zeilen: 9-18, 20-23
Quelle: Wikipedia Sovereignity 2007
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
Those considered as partisans of the divine right of kings argue that the monarch is sovereign by divine right, and not by the agreement of the people. Taken to its conclusion, this may translate into a system of absolute monarchy. The second book of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's "Du Contrat Social, ou Principes du droit politique" (1762) deals with sovereignty and its rights: sovereignty or the general will is inalienable, for the will cannot be transmitted; it is indivisible, since it is essentially general; it is infallible and always right, determined and limited in its power by the common interest, it acts through laws. Law is the decision of the general will in regard to some object of common interest. [...] Some supporters of democratic globalisation consider that nation-states should yield some of their power to a world government controlled by world citizens instead of being organized as now on an inter-governmental basis. There exist vastly differing views on the moral bases of sovereignty. These views translate into various bases for legal systems:
  • Partisans of the _divine right of kings_ argue that the _monarch_ is sovereign by divine right, and not by the agreement of the people. Taken to its conclusion, this may translate into a system of _absolute monarchy_.
  • The second book of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's _Du Contrat Social, ou Principes du droit politique_ (1762) deals with sovereignty and its rights. Sovereignty, or the general will, is inalienable, for the will cannot be transmitted; it is indivisible, since it is essentially general; it is infallible and always right, determined and limited in its power by the common interest; it acts through laws. Law is the decision of the general will in regard to some object of common interest, but though the general will is always right and desires only good, its judgment is not always enlightened, and consequently does not always see wherein the common good lies; hence the necessity of the legislator. [...]
  • [...]
  • [...]
  • Some supporters of _democratic globalization_ consider that _nation-states_ should yield some of their power to a _world government_ controlled by world citizens instead of being organized as now in an _intergovernmental_ basis.
Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

Sichter
(Hindemith), WiseWoman

[28.] Ama/Fragment 065 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:07 Schumann
Erstellt: 22. April 2017, 07:45 (Hindemith)
Ama, Boka 2008, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
Hindemith
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 65, Zeilen: 1-10
Quelle: Boka 2008
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
- reduction of the size of the Commission,

- easier voting by changing voting rules,

- diminishing the usage of veto rights for the Member States.

The Treaty of Lisbon continued the "council-type" organization of the EU as an intergovernmental/supranational union of states based on multilevel-governance and subsidiarity. Its goal was to make the EU more effective in the world economy and on the international diplomatic stage by giving it more coherent foreign policy and by allowing quicker decision-taking. Only the future will show what the Lisbon Treaty might bring for supra-nationalism in the practice of the EU.

* reduction of the size of the Commission
  • easier voting by changing voting rules
  • diminishing the usage of veto rights for the member states

The Treaty of Lisbon continues the “council-type” organization of the EU as an intergovernmental-supranational union of states based on multilevel-governance and subsidiarity. Its goal is to make the EU more effective in the World economy and on the international diplomatic stage by giving it more coherent foreign policy and allowing to take decision more quickly. Only the future will show what the Lisbon Treaty can bring for supranationalism in the practice of the EU.

Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[29.] Ama/Fragment 064 22 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 13:06 Schumann
Erstellt: 22. April 2017, 07:41 (Hindemith)
Ama, Boka 2008, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Verschleierung
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Hindemith
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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 64, Zeilen: 22-41
Quelle: Boka 2008
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
Supra-nationalism is the main achievement of the European integration process since 1950. Theoretically, it is based on the personal principle as well as the principle of autonomy and decentralization. States are built bottom up based on the approach of transferring competences when needed (principle of subsidiarity). Supra-nationalism represents an organized cooperation among states under independent supra-national institutions, with states losing their sovereignty in areas they choose to transfer.

In reality the EU is a new type of inter-governmental/supra-national union state, characterized by the dichotomies arising from both being supra-national and inter-governmental. How to safeguard supra-nationalism represents a challenge for the supporters of the European Union. There is a lack of strong and efficient European supra-national governance responsible to the European citizens. Citizens cannot think in terms of a larger EU, and therefore they cannot express their European interests.

Recently, the Treaty of Lisbon reinforced the values and objectives of the European Union. It took forward a number of constitutional innovations. The most important of those were:

- a permanent president,

- greater powers to the European Parliament,

- a legally binding citizens rights charter,

Supranationalism is the main achievement of the European integration process from 1950. Theoretically, it is based on the personal principle as well as the principle of autonomy and decentralization. States are built bottom up based on the approach of transferring competences when needed (principle of subsidiarity).

Supranationalism represents an organised cooperation among states under independent supranational institutions, loosing their sovereignty in the areas they choose to transfer.

[...]

In reality the EU is a new type of an intergovernmental-supranational union of states, characterised by the dichotomy of supranational versus intergovernmental. How to safeguard supranationalism represents a challenge for the supporters of the European Union.

[...]

Recently the heads of states or governments of the European Union could find an agreement in the form of the Treaty of Lisbon. The Treaty of Lisbon reinforces the values and objectives of the European Union. It takes over most of the constitutional innovations. The most important of those are:

  • a permanent president
  • a foreign minister
  • greater powers to the EP
  • a legally binding citizens rights charter

[...]

There is a lack of strong and efficient European supranational governance, responsible to the European citizens. Citizens cannot think in terms of a larger EU, and therefore they cannot express their European interests.

Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[30.] Ama/Fragment 017 08 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 08:11 SleepyHollow02
Erstellt: 18. May 2017, 10:21 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Treaty of Maastricht 1992

Typus
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SleepyHollow02
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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 17, Zeilen: 8-11, 17-20(21-25)
Quelle: Treaty of Maastricht 1992
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: 0
Externally, the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the outlook of German reunification led to a commitment to reinforce the Community’s international position. Internally, the Member States wished to supplement the progress achieved by the Single European Act with other reforms.67 [...] With the Treaty of Maastricht, the Community clearly went beyond its original economic objectives - the creation of a common market - and its political ambitions came to the fore. In this context, the Treaty of Maastricht set out to respond to five key ambitions70:

- [strengthen the democratic legitimacy of the institutions,

- improve the effectiveness of the institutions,

- establish an Economic and Monetary Union,

- develop the social dimension of the Community, and

- establish a Common and Foreign Policy.]


67 See the official webpage of the European Union, available on: http://europa.eu/scadplus/treaties/maastricht_en.htm#BIRTH, last visited on 23 December 2008.

70 See the objectives of the Treaty of Maastricht, available on the official EU web-page on: http://europa.eu/scadplus/treaties/maastricht_en.htm, last visited on 23 December 2008

At external level, the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the outlook of German reunification led to a commitment to reinforce the Community's international position. At internal level, the Member States wished to supplement the progress achieved by the Single European Act with other reforms.

[...]


With the Treaty of Maastricht, the Community clearly went beyond its original economic objective, i.e. creation of a common market, and its political ambitions came to the fore.

In this context, the Treaty of Maastricht responds to five key goals:

strengthen the democratic legitimacy of the institutions;
improve the effectiveness of the institutions;
establish economic and monetary union;
develop the Community social dimension;
establish a common foreign and security policy.
Anmerkungen

The source is indicated in note 70, but not in such a way that the reader would expect the preceding text to have been lifted more or less verbatim.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), PlagProf:-)

[31.] Ama/Fragment 015 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 21. November 2017, 08:10 SleepyHollow02
Erstellt: 3. June 2017, 10:40 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Euractiv 2002, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
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SleepyHollow02
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 15, Zeilen: 1-6
Quelle: Euractiv 2002
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: 0
It can, however, also be the founding text of an international organization. The Universal Postal Union, one of the oldest international organizations created in 1865, also has a Constitution.53 The International Labour Organization is another example.54 In itself, giving a Constitution to the European Union consequently implies nothing about the nature of the European Union.

53 See the Constitution and General Regulation of the Universal Postal Union, Bern 2005 International Bureau of the Postal Union, available also on: http://www.upu.int/acts/en/1_constitution_en.pdf, last visited on 24 December 2008.

54 See The Constitution of the International Labour Organization, it has 40 Articles and one Annex, original text was established 1919, has been modified by amendment of 1922 which entered into force on 4 June 1934 for first, for the last the Constitution was amended on 1972 which amendment entered into force on 1 November 1974 (the Constitution was amended six times). Available also on: http://www.ilo.org/ilolex/english/constq.htm, last visited on 24 December 2008.

It can, however, also be the founding text of an international organisation. Revealingly, the Universal Postal Union, one of the oldest international organisations, created in 1865, also has a Constitution. The international Labour Organisation is another example.

In itself, giving a Constitution to the European Union consequently implies nothing about the nature of the European Union.

Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02) Schumann

[32.] Ama/Fragment 048 27 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 12. November 2017, 17:07 Schumann
Erstellt: 29. June 2017, 21:16 (WiseWoman)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Kaczorowska 2008, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
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Bearbeiter
WiseWoman
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 48, Zeilen: 27-37
Quelle: Kaczorowska 2008
Seite(n): 115, 116, Zeilen: 115: 31 ff. - 116: 1 ff.
The Presidency of the Council represents the EU on CFSP matters in international organizations and international Conferences. Article 18 of the TEU defines those functions of the Presidency, which consist of implementation of the common measures and representation of the EU worldwide. A system of “Troika” (that is the current Presidency, the preceding and succeeding Presidencies, accompanied by a representative of the Commission, acting together in order to ensure the continuity and consistency of CFSP) has been replaced. Under the Treaty of Amsterdam, the Presidency is assisted by the Secretary General of the Council, acting in his/her capacity as High Representative for the CFSP, and the representative of the Member State that is next line for the Presidency. In case of emergency, the Presidency, on its own motion or at the request of the [Commission or a Member State, must convene an extraordinary meeting of the Council within 48 hours.203]

203 Article 22 (2) of the TEU.

The Presidency of the Council represents the EU on CFSP matters in international organisations and at international conferences. Article 18 EU defines the functions of the Presidency, which consist of implementation of common measures and representation of the EU worldwide. A system of “troika” (that is the current Presidency, the preceding and the succeeding Presidencies, accompanied by a representative of the Commission, acting together in order to ensure the continuity and consistency of CFSP) has been replaced. Under the Treaty of Amsterdam the Presidency is assisted by the Secretary General of the Council, acting in his/her capacity as high representative for the CFSP, and a representative of the Member State that is next in line for the

[page 116]

Presidency. In case of emergency the Presidency, on its own motion or at the request of the Commission or a Member State, must convene an extraordinary meeting of the Council within 48 hours.171


171. Article 22(2) EU.

Anmerkungen

The source ist not given.

Sichter
(WiseWoman) Schumann

[33.] Ama/Fragment 082 14 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 12. November 2017, 17:00 Schumann
Erstellt: 29. April 2017, 09:50 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Kaczorowska 2008, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Hindemith
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Yes
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Seite: 82, Zeilen: 14-28
Quelle: Kaczorowska 2008
Seite(n): 11, Zeilen: 7 ff.
The European Economic Community (now known as European Community (EC)) has become very much the most important Community of the three (the others being ECSC and the EURATOM) at the heart of European integration. The original Treaty mainly concerned economic cooperation between Member States, including the establishment of a common market. Additionally, it created the possibility of further cooperation in any area not covered by the Treaty of Rome but agreed by the Member States by common consent.298 Although economic objectives were in the forefront, the Treaty of Rome also contained a political agenda.

The first decade of the Community was exceptional in terms of economic growth, investment and internal integration. Since the creation of the European Communities, the idea of European integration has been very much alive, but its actual implementation has been beset with difficulties and controversies, the most important being the constant struggle between inter-governmentalism and supranationality. Both are mechanisms of decision-making in international [organizations.]


298 Article 235 of the EC Treaty (Article 308 EC).

The European Economic Community (now known as the European Community (EC)) has become very much the most important Community of the three (the others being the ECSC and the Euratom) and the heart of European integration. The original Treaty mainly concerned economic co-operation between Member States, including the establishment of a common market. Additionally, it created the possibility of further co-operation in any area not covered by the Treaty of Rome but chosen by the Member States by common consent.22 Although economic objectives were in the forefront, the Treaty of Rome also contained a political agenda.

[...]

The first decade of the Community was exceptional in terms of economic growth, investment and internal integration. [...]

Since the creation of the European Communities the idea of European integration has been very much alive, but its actual implementation has been beset with difficulties and controversies, the most important being the constant struggle between inter-governmentalism and supranationality.

Both are mechanisms of decision-making in international organisations.


22. Article 235 of the EC Treaty (Article 308 EC).

Anmerkungen

The source is given on the next page (footnote 299), but the reader would not assume that the page preceeding the reference is taken verbatim from the source. There are no quotation marks.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman, Schumann

[34.] Ama/Fragment 008 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 11. November 2017, 13:53 Schumann
Erstellt: 2. June 2017, 14:38 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BauernOpfer, COM 2006 649 final, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
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SleepyHollow02
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 8, Zeilen: 1 ff.
Quelle: COM 2006 649 final
Seite(n): 5, Zeilen: 1-9
[...].31 EU enlargement policy is today based on three basic principles: consolidation of commitments, conditionality and communication.

Consolidation of the EU enlargement agenda means that the Union is cautious about assuming any new commitments, whilst honouring its existing commitments towards countries already in the enlargement process.32 Conditionality33 is applied to all candidate and potential countries. Democratic legitimacy remains essential for the EU accession process. The EU must ensure the support of its citizens, and there is a need for effective communication.34


31 Communication from the Commision to the European Parliament and the Council, Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2006-2007 including annexed report on the EU’s capacity to integrate new members, COM(2006) 604 final, 8.11.2006, p. 4.

32 Ibid, p. 5.

33 House of Commons Library, EU Enlargement: the Western-Balkan, research paper, 14 March 2007, p. 11.

34 COM(2006) 604 final, p. 5.

EU enlargement policy is today based on three basic principles: consolidation of commitments, conditionality and communication.

Consolidation of the EU enlargement agenda means that the Union is cautious about assuming any new commitments, but honours its existing commitments towards countries already in the enlargement process. [...]

Rigorous but fair conditionality is applied to all candidate and potential candidate countries. [...]

For enlargement to be a success, the EU must ensure the support of its citizens. Member States need to take the lead in communicating effectively the enlargement process and in particular the benefits that it offers for EU citizens. Democratic legitimacy remains essential for the EU accession process.

Anmerkungen

The source referred to in notes 3 and 4, COM(2006) 604 final, has a different date (18.10.2006) and a different topic (Proposal of a Regulation Establishing the European Institute of Technology). But even if the right source had been indicated, citations should have been marked.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), PlagProf:-)

[35.] Ama/Fragment 066 32 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 11. November 2017, 13:41 PlagProf:-)
Erstellt: 22. May 2017, 18:27 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Ziller 2003

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Seite: 66, Zeilen: 32-37
Quelle: Ziller 2003
Seite(n): 262, 263, Zeilen: 262: 30 ff.; 263: 1 ff.
A good way to understand the traditional way of thinking about sovereignty in France is to read Jean-Jacques Chevalier's “Les Grandes Iuvres politiques de Machiavel á nos jours”, a book which has been a key to political philosophy in law faculties and at the Institute d'Etudes Politique de Paris.252 This handbook analysed sixteen classical political theorists through their major works in chronological order: Machiavelli, Bodin, Hobbes, Bossuet, Locke, Montesquieu, [Rosseau, Siéyés, Burke, Fichte, Tocqueville, Marx, Engels, Sorel, Lenin and Hitler.]

251 Ziller, Jacques, Sovereignty in France: Getting Rid of the Mal de Bodin, in: Nail Walker (ed,), Sovereignty in Transition, Oxford 2003, pp. 261 ff., 264-268.

252 Ibid., pp. 261-277.

Generation after generation, French academics and politicians have been educated in thinking about sovereignty according to a tradition that sees it as a Franco-English invention, with some very specific features that, in the French case, are due to the Revolution. A good way to understand this tradition is to read Jean-Jacques Chevallier’s 'Les Grandes luvres politiques de Machiavel à nos jours' ,5 a book which has been the key to political philosophy in law faculties and at the Institut d’Etudes Politiques de

[page 263]

Paris ( 'Sciences-po' .—the main gateway to the Ecole Nationale d’Administration) since its first edition in 1949. This handbook analysed sixteen classical political theorists through their major works, in chronological order: Machiavelli, Bodin, Hobbes, Bossuet were presented under the heading ‘Serving Absolutism’ (Au service de l’absolutisme)-, Locke, Montesquieu, Rousseau and Siéyès under the heading ‘Fighting Absolutism’ (L’assaut contre l’absolutisme); Burke, Fichte and Tocqueville under the heading ‘The Revolution’s Consequences—1789-1848’ (Suites de la Révolution); Marx and Engels, Sorel, Lenin and Hitler under the heading ‘Socialism and Nationalism 1848-1927’ (Socialisme et Nationalisme).

Anmerkungen

The source is given in fn.251 f.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), (Graf Isolan), PlagProf:-)

[36.] Ama/Fragment 022 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 11. November 2017, 13:10 PlagProf:-)
Erstellt: 4. June 2017, 05:36 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Chalmers et al 2006, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 22, Zeilen: 1-3
Quelle: Chalmers et al 2006
Seite(n): 32, Zeilen: 30 ff.
[This was marked most strongly in] the new Article 6 of the TEU, which stated that the Union was to be founded on the 'principles of liberty, democracy, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the rule of law'.98

98 See the consolidated version of the Treaty on European Union, available on: http://eur-lex.europa.eu/JOHtml.do?uri=OJ:C:2008:115:SOM:EN:HTML, last visited on 27 December 2008.

This was marked most strongly in the new Article 6 TEU, which stated that the Union was to be founded on the ‘principles of liberty, democracy, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the rule of law’.
Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned here.

It is mentioned in footnote 97 on the previous page, however.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), PlagProf:-)

[37.] Ama/Fragment 135 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. November 2017, 21:47 Schumann
Erstellt: 13. June 2017, 08:42 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Calin 2003, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 135, Zeilen: 1 ff. (entire page)
Quelle: Calin 2003
Seite(n): 8, 9, 14, 18, Zeilen: 8: last lines; 9: 13 ff.; 14: 1 ff.; 18: 2 ff.
Nowadays, stability should be understood as a kind process of social and political evolution with contradictory elements, both cooperative and confrontational, open-ended as to its results and with the goal of strengthening and making more durable the cooperative elements. Stability can only be achieved as the result of the mutual relationship between the creation of internal structures and internal developments; the latter being of a decisive importance.434

Unfortunately, at the dusk of the post-Cold War era, the Western democracies proved not be ready to cope with the challenges of the new security environment. The immediate consequence of this unpreparedness of the West was the emergence of sub-regional conflicts, especially in the geographical area of the Balkan. The stances adopted by the West as a whole were quite ambiguous ones and they were almost useless (at least in the outset of the crisis) due to the lack of coordination (and sometimes a sort strange competition) between various international organizations and bodies such as UN, NATO and EU.

The end of the Cold War period and emergence of the new risks and threats challenging security led to the widening of the concept. Consequently, one could talk about a multidimensional security concept covering various sectors: military security, political security, economic security, societal security, and environmental security.

The evolution of strategy in Europe now requires a redefinition of the role of international organizations and institutions, including their involvement in conflict prevention and regional crisis management. A comprehensive approach to security and stability encompassing their entire aspects — political, military, economic, social, environmental etc. — has to be developed. This approach should lead to an integrated Europe with dividing lines; the enlargement processes of the EU and the NATO are decisive factors in this respect. As far as the Western Balkans countries are concerned, the last decade has witnessed the continuing transition from authoritarian governments and centrally planned economies to pluralist democracies and free markets. At the moment, all countries in the region have democratically elected governments. The further success of the democratic and free market reforms is crucial for the future.

Although significant progress towards peace and stability has been made, challenges still exist and no single state or international organization can deal with these challenges by itself. A concentrated effort towards security and stability is needed. Consequently, regional and international cooperation and also the ongoing integration process are indispensable to address challenges.


434 Cf. Nerlich, U., Possibilities and Problems of Constellation Analysis as the Basis of Future Security Planning, in: Heydrich, W., Kraus, J., Nerlich, U., Notzold, J., Rumel, R., Germany's Security Policy: New Risks, Instruments, Baden-Baden 1992, pp. 23-75.

Nowadays stability should be understood as a kind of process, i.e. a social and political evolution with contradictory elements, both cooperative and confrontational, open-ended as to its results and with the goal of strengthening and making more durable the cooperative elements. Stability can only be achieved as the result of the mutual relationship between the creation of internal structures and internal developments7, the latter being of decisive importance.

[page 9]

Unfortunately, at the dawn of the new post-Cold War era, the Western democracies proved not to be ready to cope with the challenges of the new security environment. And the immediate consequence of this unpreparedness of the West was the emergence of sub-regional conflicts, especially in the geographical space of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia (by that time).

The stances adopted by the West as whole were quite ambiguous ones and they were almost useless (at least in the outset of the crisis) due to the lack of coordination (and sometimes a sort strange competition) between various international organizations and bodies, e.g. UN, NATO and the EU8.

[page 14]

The end of the Cold War period and the emergence of new risks and threats challenging security led to the widening of the concept. Consequently, one could talk about a multidimensional security concept covering various sectors: military security, political security, economic security, societal security, and environmental security.

[page 18]

Regional security challenges and opportunities34

The evolution of the strategic environment in Europe requires a redefinition of the role of international organizations and institutions, including through involvement in conflict prevention and regional crisis management. A comprehensive approach to security and stability encompassing all their aspects – political, military, economic, social, environmental etc. – has to be developed. This approach should lead to an integrated Europe without dividing lines and the enlargement processes of the EU and NATO are decisive factors in this respect. As far as the SEE is concerned, the last decade it has witnessed the continuing transition from authoritarian governments and centrally planned economies to pluralist democracies and free markets. At the moment, all countries in this region have democratically elected governments. The success of the democratic and free market reforms is crucial for the future.

Although significant progress towards peace and stability has been made, challenges still exist and no single state or international organization can deal with these challenges by itself. A concerted effort towards security and stability is needed. Consequently, regional and international cooperation and also the ongoing integration processes are indispensable to address challenges.


7 Cf. Nerlich, U., Posibilities and Problems of a Constellation Analysis as the Basis of Future Security Planning, in: Heydrich, W., Krause, J., Nerlich, U., Notzold, J., Rummel, R. (eds.), Germany’s Security Policy: New Constellations, risks, Instruments, Baden-Baden 1992, pp.23-75.

8 [...]

34 This sub-section relies on the South East Europe Common Assessment Paper on Regional Security Challenges and Opportunities (SEECAP), endorsed on 29 May 2001 by the states of the EAPC at the EAPC Foreign Ministers Meeting in Budapest.

Anmerkungen

The source is not given. Note that this passage can be found in the chapter: "Conclusions and Perspectives."

Footnote 8 of the source contains a long explanation, not documented here.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), WiseWoman

[38.] Ama/Fragment 134 28 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. November 2017, 21:44 Schumann
Erstellt: 23. April 2017, 08:59 (Hindemith)
Ama, COM 2008 127 final, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Yes
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Seite: 134, Zeilen: 28-34
Quelle: COM 2008 127 final
Seite(n): 21, Zeilen: 3 ff.
The future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. The EU stresses the importance of peace, stability and security in this part of Europe, and welcomes all efforts of the Western Balkan countries to come closer to the EU, meeting the necessary conditions. The Western Balkans have the potential to accelerate their course towards eventual EU membership, provided they pursue the path of reform and reconciliation, and meet the necessary conditions. The EU will assist them in this endeavour. The future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. The EU stresses the importance of peace, stability and security in this part of Europe, and welcomes all efforts of the Western Balkan countries to come closer to the EU, meeting the necessary conditions. The Western Balkans have the potential to accelerate their course towards eventual EU membership, provided they pursue the path of reform and reconciliation, and meet the necessary conditions. The EU will assist them in this endeavour.
Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

Note that this passage can be found in the chapter: "Conclusions and Perspectives".

Note also that this passage with slight modifications already appeared on page 126 of Ama (Fragment 126 15).

Sichter
(Hindemith), WiseWoman

[39.] Ama/Fragment 125 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. November 2017, 21:25 Schumann
Erstellt: 12. June 2017, 07:02 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Fragment, Fride 2007, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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SleepyHollow02
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 125, Zeilen: 1-7
Quelle: Fride 2007
Seite(n): 2, Zeilen: r.col.: 18 ff.
[Progress made thus far include that Kosovo's institutions] in August 2006 have adopted the Kosovo's Action Plan for the implementation of the European Partnership, which replaced the previous action plan.416

Additional EU instruments on the ground include the Technical Assistance Information Exchange Office (TAIEX), which helps Kosovo's institutions to draft legislation in conformity with EU standards and assists in its implementation and enforcement,417 and the Tempus Office in Kosovo, established in 2003, with the aim of promoting mobility in higher education.


416 Kosovo Action Plan for the Implementation of European Partnership 2006, available on: http://www.unmikonline.org/eu/epap.html, last visited 23 January 2009.

417 European Commission, Communication from the Commission: A European Future for Kosovo, COM(2005) 156 final, 20.4.2005.

Progress made thus far includes the adoption by UNMIK and Kosovo’s institutions in August 2006 of Kosovo’s Action Plan for the Implementation of the European Partnership, which replaces the previous action plan for the implementation of the European Partnership and the Kosovo Standards Implementation Plan (KSIP).3

• Additional EU instruments on the ground include the Technical Assistance Information Exchange Office (TAIEX), which helps Kosovo’s institutions ‘draft legislation in conformity with EU standards and assist in its implementation and enforcement,’ and the Tempus Office for Kosovo established in 2003 with the aim of promoting mobility in higher education.


3 UNMIK, ‘Kosovo Action Plan for the Implementation of European Partnership 2006,’ Available at http://www.unmikonline.org/eu/epap.html [Accessed on April 10, 2007].

Anmerkungen

No source is given.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), Hindemith

[40.] Ama/Fragment 112 03 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. November 2017, 17:44 Schumann
Erstellt: 27. April 2017, 20:02 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Toal et al 2006, Verschleierung

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Seite: 112, Zeilen: 3-14, 101-109
Quelle: Toal et al 2006
Seite(n): 61, 62, Zeilen: 61: last lines; 62: 1 ff.
The agreement established what has been described as one of the most complicated and wasteful systems of government ever devised, namely a weak and meagre central government (the BiH State), two state-like ethno-nationalist entities (Republica Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina)378, 10 cantons within the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (three dominated by Bosnian Croats, five by Bosniaks, and two contested) and 142 local municipalities. In 1991, BiH had a population of 4.37 million people, 43.5 % of whom declared themselves "Muslims" (now termed Bosniaks), 31.2 % Serbs, and 17.4 % Croats, which comprised the Republic's three "constituent peoples". Before the war, the Yugoslav Republic of BiH had a central governance structure in Sarajevo and local ones encompassing 109 municipalities. After Dayton, instead of having one constitution, the new BiH had 13.379

378 The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was founded in Washington 1994. While it reflected the goals of moderate Croats, it was a bitter disappointment to hard-line Croat nationalists, in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, who wanted a separate Bosnia Croat homeland of Herzeg Bosna. Creating three cantons that were Croat dominated reflected an effort to place this group, but most were unhappy that Dayton did not establish a third Croat entity.

379 In addition to the Constitution for the State of BiH and its two entities, each of the 10 cantons drafted its own Constitution, and soon thereafter there were 13 "Ministries" in charge of similar portfolios.

The agreement established what has been described as “one of the most complicated and wasteful systems of government ever devised,”3 namely a weak and meager central

[page 62]

government (the BiH state), two state-like ethnonationalist entities (Republika Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina4), 10 cantons within the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (three dominated by Bosnian Croats, five by Bosniaks, and two contested), and 142 local municipalities (općine/opštine; Fig. 1). In 1991, BiH had a population of 4.37 million, 43.5 percent of whom declared themselves “Muslims” (now termed Bosniaks), 31.2 percent Serbs, and 17.4 percent Croats, who comprised the republic’s three “constituent peoples.” Before the war, the Yugoslav Republic of BiH had a central governance structure

[page 63]

in Sarajevo and a local one encompassing 109 municipalities. After Dayton, instead of having one constitution, the new BiH had 13.5


3 The description is that of Traynor (2005).

4 The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was founded in Washington in 1994. While it reflected the goals of moderate Croats, it was a bitter disappointment to hardline Croat nationalists, in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, who wanted a separate Bosnian Croat homeland of Herzeg Bosna. Creating three cantons that were Croat dominated reflected an effort to placate this group, but most were unhappy that Dayton did not establish a third, Croat entity.

5 In addition to the constitutions for the state of BiH and its two entities, each of the 10 cantons drafted its own constitution, and soon thereafter there were 13 “ministers” in charge of similar portfolios

Anmerkungen

The source not mentioned anywhere.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[41.] Ama/Fragment 109 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. November 2017, 17:40 Schumann
Erstellt: 9. June 2017, 10:48 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Stiglmayer 1994

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Seite: 109, Zeilen: 1-19
Quelle: Stiglmayer 1994
Seite(n): 24, 25, Zeilen: 24: last line; 25: 1 ff.
[Aides on the Mazowiecky Commission, the com-]mission of experts formed by the United Nations to investigate the human rights situation in the former Yugoslavia, complained about insufficient personnel and received no support from the UN member nations, although all governments, aid organizations, and human rights organizations have officially been called on to participate.

The two large organizations on the spot, the International Red Cross and the UN Commission on Refugees, were committed to neutrality and were overburdened. They were hardly able to tend to the masses of refugees and the needy, let alone ask them question about the war crimes. "Neither the International Red Cross nor any other humanitarian organization can solve this problem" said Red Cross security coordinator Didier Pradervand at the end of November 1992. "The international community itself must find the answer; it cannot rely on the humanitarian activities of the various organizations".373 An excellent example of the happenings at the time concerned the treatment of mass rape. The first refugees who fled from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia in June 1992 had already reported rapes. Two month [sic] later, in August, the American journalist Roy Gutman wrote the first complete report about rapes of Muslim women by Serbian soldiers. At that time the co-workers of the United Nations Commission were already familiar with these reports.374


373 Interview on 30 November 1991 in Zagreb.

374 See Roy Gutman, Mass Rape — Muslims Recall Serb Attacks, Newsday 23 August 1992

Aides on the Mazowiecki Commis-

[page 25]

sion the commission of experts formed by the United Nations to investigate the human rights situation in the former Yugoslavia complain about insufficient personnel and receive no support from un member nations, although all governments, aid organizations, and human rights organizations have officially been called on to participate.

The two large organizations on the spot, the International Red Cross and the UN Commission on Refugees, are committed to neutrality and are overburdened. They are hardly able to tend to the masses of refugees and the needy, let alone ask them questions about war crimes. “Neither the International Red Cross nor any other humanitarian organization can solve this problem,” said Red Cross security coordinator Didier Pradervand at the end of November 1992. “The international community itself must find the answer; it cannot rely on the humanitarian activities of the various organizations.”74

[...]

An excellent example is the treatment of mass rape. The first refugees who fled from Bosnia-Herzegovina to Croatia in June 1992 had already reported rapes. Two months later, in August, the American journalist Roy Gutman wrote the first complete report about the rapes of Muslim women by Serbian soldiers.75 At that time co-workers of the United Nations Commission on Refugees were already familiar with these reports.


74. Interview on November 30, 1991, in Zagreb.

75. See Roy Gutman, "Mass Rape — Muslims Recall Serb Attacks", Newsday August 23, 1992.

Anmerkungen

The source is given on page 107, but nothing is marked as a quotation.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), WiseWoman

[42.] Ama/Fragment 105 36 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. November 2017, 17:30 Schumann
Erstellt: 26. April 2017, 19:50 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Juncos 2005, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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III. Wars in Former Yugoslavia and their Impacts on the Concepts for European Integration

Despite the often cited "fiasco" of the EU during the wars in the territory of former Yugoslavia, the EU's later role in the Balkans, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the beginning of the accession process and in Macedonia and Kosovo more recently, may have served as a scenario to foster the emergence of [the EU whose international identity is that of a regional normative power.[...]364]


364 Juncos, Ana, The EU's post-Conflict Intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina: (re)Integrating the Balkans and/or (re)Inventing EU?,( 2005) 6 Southeast European Politics 88-108.

ABSTRACT

Despite the often-cited “fiasco” of the EU during the Yugoslavian wars, the EU’s later interventions in the Balkans, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), may have served as a scenario to foster the emergence of an EU whose international identity is that of a regional normative power.

Anmerkungen

Though the source is mentioned, it is not at all clear that part of the abstract can be found identically here, since nothing has been marked as a citation. The text overlap continues after the referenced section.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[43.] Ama/Fragment 104 16 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. November 2017, 17:27 Schumann
Erstellt: 25. April 2017, 23:37 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung, Xhaferaj 2002

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Seite(n): 42, 43, Zeilen: 42:9-10.13-16.107-109; 43:17-20
II. The Role of the EU and the EU Member States in the Wars in the Territory of Former Yugoslavia

During the Cold War era, the Balkans became a sort of a buffer zone in relations between the two major power blocks. Although present in the Balkans throughout the era, the two leading powers — the United States and the Soviet Union — determined that held the most important line of confrontation was that dividing the two German States. This so-called central front was the priority, whilst the Balkans were left to a controlled development within the two blocks, with two non-block states.

Maintenance of the balance in overall relations in European space implied the requirement for stability in the Balkans. Yugoslavia was left with a leading role in the non-alignment policy, and Albania, after its friendship with China ended, entered a grey zone of minor interest.

The end of the Cold War clearly showed that this region was filled with crisis, with no mechanism that could act in the direction of resolving conflicts. The Cold War era, with relatively minimal security-political forms of overall cooperation in the Balkans, had left all the Balkan states standing alone in search of stabilising their positions.

[page 42]

A. THE IMPACT OF THE COLLAPSE OF BIPOLARITY ON THE DISINTEGRATION OF YUGOSLAVIA

During the Cold War era, the Balkans became a sort of tampon zone in relations between the two blocks.122 [...] Maintenance of balance in overall relations in European space implied the stability in Balkans, where each of the two great powers provided security for their own allies while Yugoslavia was left with a leading role in the non-alignment policy.

[page 43]

Thus, the end of the Cold War clearly showed that the region was unsuplied with mechanisms of crisis prevention or resolution, and all the Balkan states were left standing alone in search for their new security umbrella.


122 The most important line of confrontation between the two leading powers – USA and USSR — was that dividing the two German states. Thus, the central front was a priority, while the Balkans was left to a controlled development between the two great powers, with two non -block states, Albania and Yugoslavia.

Anmerkungen

No source given; nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02, Hindemith

[44.] Ama/Fragment 104 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. November 2017, 17:23 Schumann
Erstellt: 9. June 2017, 06:08 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Yoder 1997

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[It claimed independence and was recognized by many countries, which hoped by recognition to] discourage an attack by the Serbian-dominated, truncated government of the Former Yugoslavia. The State of Bosnia and Herzegovina consisted of three major ethnic groups: Muslims 40 %, Serbs 33 % and Croats 18 %. In a referendum boycotted by the Serbs, an overwhelming majority voted for independence, but military units of Serbs attacked, aiming to absorb Bosnia and Herzegovina or at least its Serbian communities, into a greater Serbia. The Serbian military units were supported by the remaining part of Yugoslavia, although that government disclaimed responsibility.361 Serbs used the term "ethnic cleansing" to describe their ruthless policy of attacking civilians and forcing them to flee from homes in areas claimed by the Serbs. The Muslims and Croats controlling Bosnian government fought back. In places Croats, supported by the Republic of Croatia, and Muslims attacked each other as they pursued competing claims to areas of Bosnian.362

360 Yoder, Amos, The Evolution of the United Nations System, Washington 1996, p. 86.

361 Ibid., p.87.

362 See more about Bosnia and Herzegovina in subchapter 5 and 6 of this part.

It claimed

[page 87]

independence and was recognized by many countries, which hoped to discourage an attack by the Serbian-dominated, truncated government of the former Yugoslavia. The new state of Bosnia and Herzegovina consisted of three major ethnic groups -- Moslems 40 percent; Serbs, 33 percent; and Croats, 18 percent. In a referendum boycotted by the Serbs, an overwhelming majority voted for independence, but military units of Serbs attacked, aiming to absorb Bosnia and Herzegovina, or at least its Serbian communities, into a greater Serbia. The Serbian military units were supported by the truncated Yugoslavia, although that government disclaimed responsibility. Serbs used the term "ethnic cleansing" to describe their ruthless policy of attacking civilians and forcing them to flee from homes in areas claimed by the Serbs. The Moslems and Croats controlling the Bosnian government fought back. In places Croats, supported by the Republic of Croatia, and Moslems attacked each other as they staked claims to Bosnian areas.

Anmerkungen

The source is given, but nothing has been marked as a citation -- the extent of the copying does not become clear to the reader.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), Hindemith

[45.] Ama/Fragment 103 12 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. November 2017, 17:22 Schumann
Erstellt: 25. April 2017, 19:35 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Yoder 1997

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Seite(n): 86-87, Zeilen: 86: 18 ff. - 87: 1-9
The success of democratic revolution in Eastern Europe after 1989 encouraged the constitutive federation units359 of the Former Republic of Yugoslavia, which were populated by non-Serbs, to break away from the Serbian-dominated, communist-oriented central government.360 Serious fighting broke out in the summer of 1991, as the northern republics of Slovenia and Croatia declared their independence, and the federal army, controlled and commanded by the Serbian Republic, fought to take over both republics "justifying" its brutal action by reference to "the need for protection" of Serbian minorities in the above mentioned republics.

The international community recognized Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia as independent states, which changed the nature of the conflicts from civil to international wars.

After European Community representatives failed to achieve a truce in the conflicts, the matter was addressed by the UN Security Council. Cyrus Vance, former U.S Secretary of State, was named as a UN mediator. He negotiated a cease fire and the Security Council placed peacekeeping units, 14,000 persons strong, in Slovenia and Croatia, which become recognized as independent states. Sporadic fighting continued with Serbian irregulars keeping control of some areas supported financially and with munitions by the Republic of Serbia, but effectively Slovenia and Croatia had established their independence.

The focus of fighting then shifted to Bosnia and Herzegovina. It claimed independence and was recognized by many countries, which hoped by recognition to [discourage an attack by the Serbian-dominated, truncated government of the Former Yugoslavia.]


359 Republics and provinces, see the Constitution of the Former Yugoslavia of 1974.

360 Yoder, Amos, The Evolution of the United Nations System, Washington 1996, p. 86.

[page 86]

THE WAR IN YUGOSLAVIA

The success of democratic revolutions in Eastern Europe after 1989 encouraged Yugoslavia' s republics, which were dominated by non-Serbs, to break away from the Serbian-dominated, communist-oriented central government. Serious fighting broke out in the summer of 1991 as the northern republics of Slovenia and Croatia declared their independence, and the federal army, which was dominated by the Serbian Republic, fought to take over Serbian communities in those provinces. Most of the international community, hoping to deter war, recognized Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia as independent states, so technically the conflicts as they involved these republics became international wars. However, in reality the conflicts were a civil war that arose from the breakup of Yugoslavia.

After European Community representatives failed to achieve a truce in the conflicts, the matter was tirned over to the Security Council. Cyrus Vance, former U.S secretary of state, was named as a UN mediator. He negotiated a cease-fire and the Security Council placed peacekeeping units, 14,000 strong, in the two northern provinces of Slovenia and Croatia, which became recognized as independent states. Sporadic fighting continued with Serbian irregulars keeping control of some areas, but Slovenia and Croatia established their independence.

The focus of fighting then shifted to Bosnia and Herzegovina. It claimed

[page 87]

independence and was recognized by many countries, which hoped to discourage an attack by the Serbian-dominated, truncated government of the former Yugoslavia.

Anmerkungen

Although in most places identical nothing has been marked as a citation. Thus mentioning the source in two places becomes insufficient.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02, Hindemith

[46.] Ama/Fragment 050 17 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. November 2017, 16:28 PlagProf:-)
Erstellt: 25. April 2017, 21:36 (Hindemith)
Ama, Chalmers et al 2006, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Seite(n): 26, Zeilen: 5 ff.
The European Council was given a pre-eminent, coordinating role for all three pillars. Its position, as the body with ultimate political authority and the body which was responsible for visioning and coordinating all the EU activities was, for the first time formalized in Article 4 of the TEU: "The European Council shall provide the Union with the necessary impetus for its development and shall define the general political guidelines thereof." In addition, the unique position of the Member States and the commitment to respect fundamental rights was recognized as a constituent of each pillar as Article 6 (1 and 2) of the TEU which says:

["1. The Union is founded on the principles of liberty, democracy, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the rule of law, principles which are common to the Member States.

2. The Union shall respect fundamental rights, as guaranteed by the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms signed in Rome on 4 November 1950 and as they result from the constitutional traditions common to the Member States, as general principles of Community law".]

The European Council was given a pre-eminent, coordinating role for all three pillars. Its position as the body with ultimate political authority and the body which was responsible for visioning and coordinating all EU activities was, for the first time, formalised:

Article 4 TEU

The European Council shall provide the Union with the necessary impetus for its development and shall define the general political guidelines thereof.

In addition, the unique position of the Member States and the commitment to respect fundamental rights was recognised as a constituent element of each pillar:

Article 6(1) TEU

1. The Union shall respect the national identities of its Member States, whose systems of government are founded on the principles of democracy.

2. The Union shall respect fundamental rights, as guaranteed by the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms signed in Rome on 4 November 1950 and as they result from the constitutional traditions common to the Member States, as general principles of Community law.

Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned.

Where Chalmers et al appear to cite the wording of Art. 6 TEU as established by the Treaty of Maastricht, they mistakenly reproduce the predecessor rule in Art. E Treaty of Maastricht. Unlike in in Fragment 049 21, where Chalmers et al make a similar mistake about Art C Treaty of Maastricht / Art. 3 TEU, Ama notices and quotes the updated version.

Ama fails to notice, though, that "the unique position of the Member States" (i.e. the respect for their national identities) has shifted to Art. 6 para. (3) TEU, and likewise that Art. D of the Maastricht Treaty, rather than Art. 4 TEU/Amsterdam Treaty marked when the position of the Council "was, for the first time, formalized".

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02

[47.] Ama/Fragment 096 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. November 2017, 16:04 Schumann
Erstellt: 8. June 2017, 11:37 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Piris 2006, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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[However, the Member States did not follow up on this draft which proposed a very co-]herent and bold text, going quite far in the direction of more European integration.339 On this issue, by contrast, the Single European Act of 1986 had limited itself to recalling, in its preamble, the will of the High Contracting Parties "to transform relations as a whole among their States into a European Union"340

339 Jean-Claude Piris, The Constitution for Europe. A legal analysis, Cambridge 2006, p. 39.

340 Ibid., p. 39.

However, the Member States did not follow up on this draft which proposed a very coherent and very bold text, going quite far in the direction of more European integration.

On this issue, the Single European Act of 1986 limited itself to recalling, in its Preamble, the will of the High Contracting Parties ‘to transform relations as a whole among their States into a European Union’.

Anmerkungen

Continuation from the previous page.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), WiseWoman

[48.] Ama/Fragment 095 12 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. November 2017, 16:03 Schumann
Erstellt: 29. April 2017, 04:29 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Piris 2006, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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The idea of transforming the European Economic Community into a "European Union" was first mentioned at the 1972 Summit of Heads of Government in Paris. It was then stated that Member States of the Community, the main organization of the European integration process, declared their intention of converting their entire relationship into an organization called the European Union, before the end of the decade.335 However, the idea got lost during the economic crisis of the seventies, despite the recommendations made in the "Report on European Union", known as a "Tindemans Report", which was submitted, at the request of the Belgian Prime Minister to the Heads of State and Governments in December 1975.336

Ten years later, the "Solemn Declaration on European Union", signed at the European, Council in Stuttgart in June 1983, re-launched the idea by reaffirming the "will to transform the whole complex of relations between their states into a European Union".337 For its part, in 1981, the European Parliament had mandated Altiero Spinelli, one of its members and a former Commissioner, together with an institutional committee, to propose amendments to the existing treaties. This work resulted in a "Draft Treaty instituting the European Union", known as the "Spinelli Treaty"328, which was voted on and accepted by the European Parliament on 14 February 1984 by a majority of 237 votes against 31. However, the Member States did not follow up on this draft which proposed a very co-[herent and bold text, going quite far in the direction of more European integration.339]


335 See para. 7 of the Communique of the Conference of the Heads of State of Government, Paris 19 and 21 October 1972, Bull. EC 10-1972, p. 16.

336 Bull. EC Supplement 1/76.

337 Bull. EC 6-1983, pp. 24-29

338 Bull. EC 2-1984, pp. 7-28.

[page 96]

339 Jean-Claude Finis, The Constitution for Europe. A legal analysis, Cambridge 2006, p. 39.

The idea of transforming the European Economic Community into a ‘European Union’, a single entity which would integrate all aspects of European integration, officially emerged for the first time at the 1972 Summit of the Heads of State or Government in Paris. It was then stated that 'Member States of the Community, the driving wheels of European integration, declared their intention of converting their entire relationship into a European Union before the end of this decade’.1 However, the idea got lost in the turmoil of the economic crisis of the seventies, despite the recommendations made in the ‘Report on European Union’, known as the ‘Tindemans Report’, which was submitted, at their request, by the Belgian Prime Minister to the Heads of State or Government in December 1975.2

Ten years later, the ‘Solemn Declaration on European Union’, signed (which is very unusual for a Declaration) at the European Council in Stuttgart in June 1983, re-launched the idea by reaffirming the ‘will to transform the whole complex of relations between their States into a European Union’.3 For its part, in 1981, the European Parliament had mandated Altiero Spinelli, one of its members and a former Commissioner,

[page 39]

together with an institutional committee, to propose amendments to the existing treaties. This work resulted in a 'draft Treaty instituting the European Union’, known as the ‘Spinelli Treaty’4 which was voted on and accepted by the European Parliament on 14 February 1984 (by a majority of 237 votes against 31). However, the Member States did not follow up on this draft which proposed a very coherent and very bold text, going quite far in the direction of more European integration.


1 See para. 7 of the Communiqué of the Conference of the Heads of State or Government, Paris, 19 and 21 October 1972 (Bull. EC 10-1972, p. 16). For a good collection of historic documents in an electronic form, see the internet site Archive of European Integration (AEI) of the University of Pittsburgh (http://aei.pitt.edu).

2 Bull. EC Supplement 1/76. Available on the above-mentioned internet site (http://aei. pitt.edu).

3 Bull. EC 6-1983, pp. 24-29. Available on the above-mentioned internet site (http://aei. pitt.edu). Denmark had reservations about some of the paragraphs of this Declaration.

4 Bull. EC 2-1984, pp. 7-28.

Anmerkungen

The source is given, but does not become clear to the reader that the entire section is copied from it. Quotation marks are used, but only for a short phrase in the very end. A reference to the source is given on the next page, but with only one of the two pages used noted.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[49.] Ama/Fragment 093 31 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 8. November 2017, 23:50 Schumann
Erstellt: 22. April 2017, 18:59 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Murphy 2006, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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In 2004 the European Union added ten new Member States, 77 million people, and over 700.000 square kilometres. It was one of the most ambitious initiatives in the five-plus-decade history of European integration. Never before had the EU (or its predecessor entities) taken on so much new territory at one time or added economies that were so dissimilar from of existing members.329

329 Alexandra B. Murphy, The May 2004 Enlargement of the European Union: the [sic] View from Two Years Out, Financial Times 2006.

Just over two years ago, the European Union (EU) added 10 new member states, 77 million people, and over 700,000 square kilometers. The addition of eight central and eastern European countries (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, and Slovenia) and two Mediterranean islands (Cyprus and Malta) was one of the most ambitious initiatives in the five-plus–decade history of European integration. Never before had the EU (or its predecessor entities) taken on so much new territory at one time or added economies that were so dissimilar from those of existing members.
Anmerkungen

The source is given, but nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[50.] Ama/Fragment 091 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 8. November 2017, 23:37 Schumann
Erstellt: 8. June 2017, 09:02 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Marktler 2006, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Quelle: Marktler 2006
Seite(n): 344, 345, 346, 355, 356, Zeilen: 344: 14 ff.; 345: 1 ff.; 346: 13 ff.; 355: 23 ff.; 356: 1 ff.
[Therefore,] the European Council made a very important and central statement: "The associated countries in the Central and Eastern Europe that so desire shall place [sic] as soon as an associated country is able to assume the obligations of membership by satisfying the economic and political conditions required".319

The conditions that an applicant country must fulfil were as follows:

- the stability of the institutions (political criteria) consisting of democracy, rule of law, human rights, and respect for and protection of the minorities;

- a functioning market economy with the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the European Union (economic criteria);

- the adoption of the acquis communautare [sic] (acquis criterion); as Community law is not only to be adopted, but also applied and enforced. The Madrid European Council in December 1995 added another criterion: expansion of administrative structures for effective adoption of the acquis.

It was obvious that political criteria have existed for a long time in determining membership. The Copenhagen innovation was only important by the fact that membership obliged compliance with particular political conditions explicitly set out by the European Council.

2. The Preparation for Enlargement

The meeting of the European Council in Luxembourg in December 1997 marked a moment of historic significance for the future of the Union and of Europe as a whole. In the ongoing enlargement process, the nations of Europe had overcome the divisions of the past. The European Conference was established to. bring together Member States of the European Union and states aspiring to accede to it. The European Council formed an assessment of the situation in each of the eleven applicant states based on the Commission's opinions. It decided to start the accession process with ten CEEC countries and Cyprus, declaring that "All these states are destined to join the European Union on the basis of the same criteria and ... are participating in the accession process on an equal footing".320 One significant result of the Luxembourg meeting was the decision to begin negotiations with Poland, Estonia, Slovenia, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Cyprus321 in the spring of 1998 by convening intergovernmental conferences. The European Council stressed that: "The Decision to enter into negotiations does not imply that they will be successfully concluded at the same time. Their conclusion and the subsequent accession of the different applicant [sates [sic] will depend on the extent to which each complies with the Copenhagen criteria and on the Union's ability to assimilate new members".322]


319 European Council in Copenhagen, 21-22 June 1993, Conclusions of the Presidency.

320 European Council in Luxembourg, 12-13 December 1997, Conclusions of the Presidency, para. 10.

321 The "Luxembourg Group".

322 European Council in Luxembourg, 12-13 December 1997, Conclusions of the Presidency, para. 26.

Therefore, the European Council made a very important and central statement:

“[T]he associated countries in Central and Eastern Europe that so desire shall become members of the European Union. Accession will take place as soon as an associated country is able to assume the obligations of membership by satisfying the economic and political conditions required.”7

The conditions that an applicant country must fulfil are as follows:

- Stability of institutions (= political criteria) consisting of democracy, rule of law, human rights, and respect for and protection of minorities.

- Functioning market economy and capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the European Union (= economic criterion).

[page 345]

- Adoption of the acquis communautaire (= acquis criterion). As Community law is not only to be adopted, but also applied and enforced, the Madrid European Council in December 1995 added another criterion:

- Expansion of administrative structures for effective adoption of the acquis.

[page 346]

Hence it is obvious that political criteria in particular have existed for a long time already. The Copenhagen innovation consists only in the fact that membership obliges compliance with those conditions explicitly set forth by the European Council.

[page 355]

The meeting of the European Council in Luxembourg in December 1997 marked a moment of historic significance for the future of the Union and of Europe as a whole. In the ongoing enlargement process, the nations of Europe had overcome the divisions of the past. The European Conference62 was established to bring together Member States of the European Union and states aspiring to accede to it. The European Council formed an idea of the situation in each of the eleven applicant states based on the Commission’s Opinions. It decided to start the accession process with ten Central and Eastern European states and Cyprus, declaring that “all these states are destined to join the European Union on the basis of the same criteria, and […] are participating in the accession process on an equal footing”.63 One significant result of the Luxembourg

[page 356]

meeting was the decision to begin negotiations with Poland, Estonia, Slovenia, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Cyprus64 in the spring of 1998 by convening intergovernmental conferences. The European Council stressed that:

“[t]he decision to enter into negotiations does not imply that they will be successfully concluded at the same time. Their conclusion and the subsequent accession of the different applicant states will depend on the extent to which each complies with the Copenhagen criteria and on the Union’s ability to assimilate new members.”65

6 European Council in Copenhagen, Conclusions of the Presidency, (21-22 June 1993, SN 180/1/93) 12.

7 ibid 13.

62 On the purpose and structure of the European Conference, see Vörös/Droutsas, Die Europa-Abkommen (n 15) 2 (sub V A).

63 European Council in Luxembourg Conclusions of the Presidency (12-13 December 1997) para 10.

64 The “Luxembourg Group”.

65 European Council in Luxembourg (n 63) para 26.

Anmerkungen

The ungrammatical form of the quotation given in the first paragraph is not identical to the one used in the source.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), WiseWoman

[51.] Ama/Fragment 083 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 8. November 2017, 23:16 Schumann
Erstellt: 3. June 2017, 13:44 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Kaczorowska 2008, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Essentially, supra-nationalism involves a great [sic] of transfer of sovereignty from individual states to the transnational institutions.299

299 Kaczorowska, Alina, European Union Law, Philadelphia 2009, p. 11.

Essentially, supranationalism involves a great degree of transfer of sovereignty from individual states to transnational institutions.
Anmerkungen

The text overlap begins on the previous page. The source is named here, but the closeness of the text is not made clear.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), WiseWoman

[52.] Ama/Fragment 079 04 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 8. November 2017, 23:03 Schumann
Erstellt: 6. May 2017, 10:02 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Piris 2006, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
BauernOpfer
Bearbeiter
Hindemith
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 79, Zeilen: 4-9
Quelle: Piris 2006
Seite(n): 1, Zeilen: 2 ff.
Sixty years is a very short time in history. For thousands of years in Europe, through the Greeks and Romans, the Normans and the Germans, never mind the British and the French, the peoples of Europe have constantly waged war on each other. During the last century alone, from 1914 until 1918 and from 1939 until 1945, merciless wars inflamed the European continent causing hatred and massive destruction, leaving its people bled dry and prey to starvation.289

289 Jean-Claude Piris, The Constitution for Europe. A legal analysis, Cambridge 2006, p. 1.

In the time-scale of history, sixty years is very short. For centuries, ever since the Greeks and the Romans, since the Normans and the Germans, not to mention the British and the French, the peoples of Europe have constantly waged war on each other. During the last century alone, from 1914 until 1918 and from 1939 until 1945, merciless wars inflamed the European continent causing hatred and massive destruction, leaving its peoples bled white and prey to starvation.
Anmerkungen

The source is given at the end of one sentence, but it is not made clear how close these three sentences are to the source. Note that "centuries" become "thousands of years".

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[53.] Ama/Fragment 065 12 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 8. November 2017, 22:53 Schumann
Erstellt: 22. April 2017, 08:46 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schilder Hausschild 2005, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
Hindemith
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 65, Zeilen: 12-15, 18-23
Quelle: Schilder Hausschild 2005
Seite(n): 9, Zeilen: 9; l.col: 1. ff
IV. Preliminary Conclusions

There are many examples of a lack of coherence within the EU's foreign actions. Where actions are effective — for instance in Macedonia in 2001 — then this tends to be the case in spite of and not due to the current arrangements — as reflected in Kosovo, for example. The necessity for stronger coherence in the region has become obvious, including the role of the EU in the democratisation of Serbia, the support of functioning institutions in Bosnia, and the integration process as a whole. The EU now plays an active role in Africa especially in Congo, in Sudan and vis-à-vis the African Union. Only by focussing its different powers can the EU act effectively and fulfil the expectations of European citizens as well as those of countries outside the EU. Finally, progress in developing a common foreign dimension is the only way for the EU to become an equal partner concerning transatlantic relationships.

Conclusion: The need for coherence

There are many examples of a lack of coherence within the EU’s foreign action. However, when this action is effective, for instance in Macedonia in 2001, then this tends to be the case in spite of and not due to the current provisions. Since the EU plays an active role in Africa, especially in Congo, in Sudan and vis-à-vis the African Union, the necessity of a stronger coherence in this region becomes obvious, too. Only by focusing its different powers can the EU to act effectively and fulfil the expectations of European citizens as well as those of countries abroad. Finally, this is the only way to develop itself as an equal partner concerning the transatlantic relationship.

Anmerkungen

The source for these "preliminary conclusions" is not given, although the text is very close to the source. Lines 16 & 17 are not counted, although they bear a resemblence to a phrase from the source and are thus documented here.

Sichter
(Hindemith), WiseWoman

[54.] Ama/Fragment 058 25 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 8. November 2017, 21:54 Schumann
Erstellt: 4. May 2017, 15:05 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, House of Lords 2006, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
Hindemith
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 58, Zeilen: 25-34
Quelle: House of Lords 2006
Seite(n): 10, Zeilen: 30 ff.
The Lisbon Treaty, if ratified, would have brought about a number of institutional changes with the aim of improving the external actions of the EU. Firstly, the rotating Presidency would have been removed in order to improve continuity.230 Secondly, there would have been an EU High Representative for the Foreign and Security Policy, combining (and extending) the current roles of the High Representative and the Commissioner for External Relations, who would represent the EU in CFSP matters and coordinate the Member States actions in international organizations and at international conferences.231 Thirdly, an External Action Service would have been established to work in cooperation with the diplomatic services of the Member States.232

230 See Article 15 of the TEU in the version of the Lisbon Treaty.

231 See Article 18 of the TEU in the version of the Lisbon Treaty.

232 See Article 27(3) of the TEU in the version of the Lisbon Treaty.

22. The Constitutional Treaty, if ratified, would have brought about a number of institutional changes with the aim of improving the external action of the EU. Firstly the rotating Presidency would have been removed in order to improve continuity. Secondly there would have been an EU Foreign Minister, combining (and extending) the current roles of the High Representative and the Commissioner for External Relations who would represent the EU on CFSP matters and coordinate Member States’ action in international organisations and at international conferences. Thirdly an External Action Service would have been established to work in cooperation with the diplomatic services of the Member States.
Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

The author copies the irrealis mood of the source, which refers to the failed Constitutional Treaty. This is inappropriate for the Lisbon Treaty which was ratified in November 2009 and in good progress when the author submitted his thesis. The author was presumably aware of this - the following sentence reads: "All these matters are achievable with the Treaty of Lisbon — if ratified."

Sichter
(Hindemith), PlagProf:-), SleepyHollow02

[55.] Ama/Fragment 054 27 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 8. November 2017, 21:49 Schumann
Erstellt: 4. May 2017, 12:30 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, House of Lords 2008, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
BauernOpfer
Bearbeiter
Hindemith
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 54, Zeilen: 27-32
Quelle: House of Lords 2008
Seite(n): 7, 8, Zeilen: 7: 32 f.; 8: 1 ff.
The 2003 Strategy is structured in three parts: The first section lists the global challenges, which are described as interdependence and globalisation, including conflicts, inadequate development, pandemics, global warming and energy dependence. This section also lists a wide range of threats — terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, regional conflicts, state failure and organised crime. The second section outlines the strategic objectives for the Euro-[pean Union in addressing those threats, building security in the EU's neighbourhood and international order based on effective multilateralism.] 3. The 2003 Strategy is in three parts: the first section lists the global challenges, which it describes as interdependence and globalisation,

[page 8]

including conflicts, inadequate development, pandemics, global warming and energy dependence. This section also lists a wide range of threats—terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMDs), regional conflicts, state failure and organised crime. A second section outlines the strategic objectives for the European Union (EU) as addressing the threats, building security in the EU’s neighbourhood and an international order based on effective multilateralism.

Anmerkungen

The source is mentioned in the preceding paragraph. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, PlagProf:-)

[56.] Ama/Fragment 049 21 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 8. November 2017, 21:17 Schumann
Erstellt: 25. April 2017, 19:54 (Hindemith)
Ama, Chalmers et al 2006, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
Hindemith
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 49, Zeilen: 21-37
Quelle: Chalmers et al 2006
Seite(n): 25, Zeilen: 5 ff.
Article 3 of the Treaty on European Union provides that the European Union "..is to be served by a single institutional framework which shall ensure the consistency and the continuity of the activities carried out in order to attain its objectives while respecting and building upon the "acquis communautaire". The Union shall, in particular, ensure the consistency of its external activities as a whole in the context of its external relations, security, economic and development policies. The Council and the Commission shall be responsible for ensuring such consistency and they shall ensure the implementation of these policies, each in accordance with its respective powers". The Commission and the European Parliament pressed for the European Union to be governed by a single institutional supranational structure. In two fields, a practice of intergovernmental cooperation had emerged that was to prove difficult to displace. The first was foreign policy. This intergovernmental cooperation had been institutionalised by the SEA under the title of "European Political Cooperation". All Member States, other than Belgium and the Netherlands, wanted to keep it this way and were opposed to bringing foreign and defence policy within the EC supranational framework. The Commission and the Parliament pressed for the European Union to be governed by a single institutional, supranational structure. In two fields, a practice of intergovernmental cooperation had emerged that was to prove difficult to displace. The first was foreign policy. This intergovernmental cooperation had been institutionalised by the SEA under the title of ‘European Political Cooperation’. All Member States, other than the Belgians and the Dutch, wanted to keep it this way and were opposed to bringing foreign and defence policy within the EC supranational framework. [...]

[...]

Article 3 TEU

The Union shall be served by a single institutional framework which shall ensure the consistency and the continuity of the activities carried out in order to attain its objectives while respecting and building upon the ‘acquis communautaire'.
The Union shall in particular ensure the consistency of its external activities as a whole in the context of its external relations, security, economic and development policies. The Council and the Commission shall be responsible for ensuring such consistency. They shall ensure the implementation of these policies, each in accordance with its respective powers.
Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned.

Chalmers et al mistakenly present as the wording of Art. 3 TEU what in fact is the wording of Art. C of the Treaty of Maastricht (1992). Ama copies this without noticing the different wording of Art. 3 TEU, as first contained in the Treaty of Amsterdam:
"The Council and the Commission shall be responsible for ensuring such consistency and shall cooperate to this end" (emphasis added).
(A similar mistake is noted by Ama in Fragment 050 17, where the corrected quote is not included in the line count.)

Sichter
(Hindemith), WiseWoman, PlagProf:-)

[57.] Ama/Fragment 042 13 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 8. November 2017, 20:41 Schumann
Erstellt: 4. May 2017, 10:50 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Haine 2003, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
BauernOpfer
Bearbeiter
Hindemith
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 42, Zeilen: 13-37
Quelle: Haine 2003
Seite(n): 229, 235, Zeilen: 229: 26 ff.; 235: 2 ff.
With regard to the Union's competence in CFSP, the Final Report of the Working Group VII on External Action proposed that the Treaty should stipulate that Member States shall support the Union's Foreign and Security Policy actively and unreservedly in a spirit of loyalty and mutual solidarity; shall work together to enhance and develop their mutual political solidarity, and shall refrain from any action which is contrary to the interest of the Union or likely to impair its effectiveness as a cohesive force in international relations. Member States were thus bound to ensure that national policies conform to positions agreed at EU level. The Group agreed that there is no need to set down in a list which powers the Union should have in the field of CFSP, and it confirmed that the Treaty set no limits on the potential scope and intensity of a common policy in this area. In CFSP and in Police and Judicial Cooperation in Criminal Matters — PJCCM (title VI TEU, JHA), the Treaty currently enables the Council to conclude agreements on behalf of the Union. Conferring one single explicit legal personality on the Union, as proposed by the Working Group III, would clarify the opportunity for the Union to conclude agreements in the field of its competences.180 With a view to promoting coherent use of the EU's external action instruments, the Group considered it useful to create the possibility of "joint initiatives" which could be put forward by the European External Representatives (or the HR) and the Commission.181 As regards the decision-making in CFSP, the Working Group underlined that, in order to avoid CFSP inertia and encourage a proactive CFSP, maximum use should be made of existing provisions for the use of QMV, and suggested provisions allowing for some form of flexibility, such as constructive abstention. In addition, the Working Group recommended that a new provision be inserted in the Treaty, which would provide for the possibility [of the European Council agreeing by unanimity to extend the use of QMV in the field of CSFP.]

180 The European Convention, Final Report of Working Group VII on External Action, CONV 459/02, Brussels, 16 December 2002, p. 15.

181 Ibid., p. 7.

17. With regard to Union competence in CFSP, the Treaty stipulates that Member States shall support the Union’s foreign and security policy actively and unreservedly in a spirit of loyalty and mutual solidarity; shall work together to enhance and develop their mutual political solidarity, and shall refrain from any action which is contrary to the interests of the Union or likely to impair its effectiveness as a cohesive force in international relations. Member States were thus bound to ensure that national policies conform with positions agreed at EU level. The Group agreed that there is no need to set down in a list which powers the Union should have in the field of CFSP, and it was recalled that the Treaty sets no limits on the potential scope and intensity of a common policy in this area. In CFSP and in police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters (title VI TEU, JHA), the Treaty currently enables the Council to conclude agreements on behalf of the Union. Conferring one single explicit legal personality on the Union, as proposed by the Working Group III, would clarify the possibility for the Union to conclude agreements in the field of its competences.

Conferring one single explicit legal personality on the Union, as proposed by the Working Group III, would clarify the possibility for the Union to conclude agreements in the field of its competences.

[page 229]

With a view to promoting coherent use of the EU’s external action instruments, the Group considered it useful to create the possibility of “joint initiatives” which could be put forward by the European External Representative (or the HR) and the Commission.

b) Decision-making in CFSP

The Working Group underlines that, in order to avoid CFSP inertia and encourage a pro-active CFSP, maximum use should be made of existing provisions for the use of QMV, and of provisions allowing for some form of flexibility, such as constructive abstention.

In addition, the Working Group recommends that a new provision be inserted in the Treaty, which would provide for the possibility of the European Council agreeing by unanimity to extend the use of QMV in the field of CFSP.

Several members consider that “joint initiatives” should be approved by QMV.

Anmerkungen

Note that Haine (2003) gives here the FINAL REPORT OF EXTERNAL ACTION WORKING GROUP CHAIRED BY JEAN-LUC DEHAENE, which is referenced further up and which is mentioned in the text and referenced at the end of the following paragraph, but it is not clear to the reader that it is quoted literally.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02

[58.] Ama/Fragment 041 09 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 8. November 2017, 20:37 Schumann
Erstellt: 30. April 2017, 09:44 (Hindemith)
Ama, Euractiv 2003, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
Hindemith
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 41, Zeilen: 9-34
Quelle: Euractiv 2003
Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
The Iraq war divided Europe at one of those moments in its history when it was striving to complete another ambitious project of unity. The convention on the Future Europe was established in early 2002 to solve the problems of coherence, effectiveness and legitimacy that would arise when, in June 2004, the current union of 15 states would take in new members.

After Iraq, it was a common view that it would take decades, at best, to shape a credible EU foreign policy, and that EU credibility in general had been badly damaged. Yet, in truth, EU foreign policy has been adapting significantly during the period of the crisis. At the Thessaloniki summit in June 2003, EU heads of government approved a draft security policy chief [sic!], modelled loosely on the US National Security Strategy of September 2002.177 So, the EU foreign policy is subject to two contradictory realities. The EU has experienced the biggest row over a major foreign policy issue in decades; and yet, more credible EU foreign policy is slowly taking shape. Over the last 20 years the founding Treaty of Rome has been revised four times, but policies are often ineffective.

With the increase in the number of new Member States, the pressures for a fundamental rethinking of the way the European Union works had become irresistible. The governments therefore established a "European Convention" in early 2002. The former French President Valery Giscard d'Estaing was appointed as Convention President and steered the debates among the 102 delegates — 16 members of the European Parliament, 56 national parliamentarians and 28 government representatives, from candidate countries as well as from the current members, and two members of the European Commission. It presented the draft constitution to EU leaders in June 2003.178 From the start, the EU's international role was a central part of the Convention's deliberations. This was true for the institutional and functional aspects of both the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). But it was also the case at a deeper level. In order to maximize the international influ-[ence of the European Union, the "Europeans" had to define more clearly what kind of Union their project seeks to establish.]


177 Javier Solana, A Secure Europe in a Better World, paper presented to the Thessaloniki European Council, 20 June 2003, http://ue.eu.int/pressdata/EN/reports/76255.pdf, last visited on 4 December 2008.

178 The text of the draft EU constitution can be found on: http://europeanconvention.eu.int, last visited on 4 December 2008.

The Iraq war divided Europe at one of those moments in its history when it was striving to complete another ambitious project of unity. The Convention on the Future of Europe was established in early 2002 to solve the problems of coherence, effectiveness and legitimacy that would arise when, in June 2004, the current union of 15 states will take in 10 new members. [...]

[...] After Iraq, it was a common view that it would take decades, at best, to shape a credible EU foreign policy, and that EU credibility in general had been badly damaged. Yet, in truth, EU foreign policy has been adapting significantly during the past months of crisis. [...] At the Thessaloniki summit in June 2003, EU heads of government approved a draft Security Strategy, prepared by Javier Solana, the EU’s foreign policy chief, modelled loosely on the US National Security Strategy of September 2002. [...]

[...]

So, EU foreign policy is subject to two contradictory realities. The EU has experienced the biggest row over a major foreign policy issue in decades. And yet a more credible EU foreign policy is slowly taking shape.

[...]

[...] Over the past 20 years the founding Treaty of Rome has been revised four times – yet each time the institutional set-up became more, not less, complex.

With ten new members gearing up to join in May 2004, the pressures for a fundamental rethink of the way the Union works had become irresistible. The governments therefore established a ‘European Convention’ in early 2002. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing was appointed Convention President, and steered debates among 105 delegates – national and European parliamentarians, Commissioners and government representatives, from the candidate countries as well as the current members. He presented the draft constitution to EU leaders in June 2003.

From the start, the EU’s international role was a central part of the Convention’s deliberations. This was true for the institutional and functional aspects of both the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). But it was also the case at a deeper level. For the Europeans to maximise Europe’s international influence, they have to define more clearly what kind of union their project seeks to establish.

Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned.

Note that the word "chief" makes no sense in the context of the dissertation. A look at the source shows that this is in all likelihood an artifact of the copying procedure - a word which was inadvertedly left in the text when removing "prepared by Javier Solana, the EU’s foreign policy chief".

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, PlagProf:-)

[59.] Ama/Fragment 033 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 8. November 2017, 16:50 Schumann
Erstellt: 25. April 2017, 15:13 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BauernOpfer, European Convention 2002, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
BauernOpfer
Bearbeiter
SleepyHollow02
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 33, Zeilen: 1-4
Quelle: European Convention 2002
Seite(n): 14, Zeilen: 13-14, 17-18
[A majority of the Working Group felt that the Union's legal personality should replace that of the European Community and of Euratom, although some members of the Working Group suggested that the] inclusion of Euratom was not absolutely essential given the specific nature of that Treaty.142 The Working Group recommended that the Constitutional Treaty should contain a new provision at the beginning of the text stipulating that "the Union shall have a legal personality".143

143 Ibid., p. 14.

In the light of the above, the Working Group submits some general and some more technical recommendations [...]

The constitutional treaty should contain a new provision at the beginning of the text stipulating that "The Union shall have legal personality".


2 A majority of the Working Group felt that the Union's legal personality would replace that of the Community and of Euratom, although some members of the Group suggested that the inclusion of Euratom was not absolutely essential given the specific nature of that Treaty.

Anmerkungen

This continues Fragment_032_11. The source is indicated in note 143. The smaller part has been indicated as a literal quote, but has in fact been altered, as "a" has been inserted between "have legal".

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), PlagProf:-)

[60.] Ama/Fragment 028 22 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 8. November 2017, 16:43 Schumann
Erstellt: 23. April 2017, 21:04 (Hindemith)
Ama, Archick 2005, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
Hindemith
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 28, Zeilen: 22-31
Quelle: Archick 2005
Seite(n): 1, Zeilen: 14 ff.
The European Union, as an institutional framework that defines and manages economic and political cooperation among 27 Member States, and with a strong commitment for the further enlargement (Western Balkan) which is based on the Treaty, is the latest stage of the European integration process. The integration process began after the Second World War in order to promote peace and economic prosperity in Europe. The way to promote cooperation and avoid conflict in post war-Europe began with the areas of coal and steel production, trade and nuclear energy. Another war in Europe would be unthinkable, by creating a community of shared sovereignty. Since the 1950s, this European integration process has expanded into other fields such as economic sectors, a customs [union, and a single market in which goods, services, people and capital move freely, a common agricultural policy, and a common currency (the Euro).] The EU is a treaty-based, institutional framework that defines and manages economic and political cooperation among its 25 member states (Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom). The Union is the latest stage in a process of European integration begun after World War II to promote peace and economic prosperity in Europe. Its founders hoped that by creating communities of shared sovereignty — initially in areas of coal and steel production, trade, and nuclear energy — another war in Europe would be unthinkable. Since the 1950s, this European integration project has expanded to encompass other economic sectors, a customs union, a single market in which goods, people, and capital move freely, a common agricultural policy, and a common currency (the euro).
Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned.

Note that the copied text is found in a section entitled "preliminary conclusions".

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02

[61.] Ama/Fragment 018 25 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 8. November 2017, 16:32 Schumann
Erstellt: 25. April 2017, 19:24 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Chalmers et al 2006, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
BauernOpfer
Bearbeiter
Hindemith
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 18, Zeilen: 25-32
Quelle: Chalmers et al 2006
Seite(n): 25, 26, Zeilen: 25: 24 ff.; 26: 21 ff.
[...]72 These three pillars were, in principle, to constitute a single institutional framework, at the centre of which stood the first pillar, the European Community.73 The institutional balance was, however, very different. The European Parliament and the Court of Justice were only minimally associated with either the second or third pillars.74 If the EC pillar was characterized by some parliamentary and judicial controls, these were largely absent at either a national or Union level for the other pillars; instead, these were to be dominated by executive government.

72 Dominian [sic] Chalmas [sic], Christos Hadjiemmanui [sic], Giorgio Monti, Adam Tomkins, European Union Law, Cambridge 2006, p. 27.

73 See Article 3 of the TEU: "The Union shall be served by a single institutional framework; .... the Union shall in particular ensure the consistency of its external activities as a whole in the context of external relation, security, economic and development policies ...".

74 For a recent reassertion of this see Case C-160/03 Spain v Eurojust, Judgment of 15 March 2005, ECR 1-2077.

These three pillars were, in principle, to constitute a single institutional framework, at the centre of which stands the first pillar, the European Community:

Article 3 TEU

[...]

[page 26]

[...] The institutional balance within each pillar was, however, very different. The Parliament and the Court of Justice were only minimally associated with either the second or third pillars.71 If the EC pillar was characterised by some parliamentary and judicial controls, these were largely absent at either a national or Union level from the other pillars, and instead, these were to be dominated by executive government.


71 For a recent reassertion of this see Case C-160/03 Spain v Eurojust, judgment of 15 March 2005.

Anmerkungen

The source is given before the copied text, but the extent of the copied text does not become clear to the reader.

Note that the first author of the source is named Damian Chalmers, and the second Christos Hadjiemmanuil.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[62.] Ama/Fragment 069 09 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 2. November 2017, 00:43 Hindemith
Erstellt: 1. May 2017, 10:40 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, Armstrong 2003, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
BauernOpfer
Bearbeiter
Graf Isolan
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 69, Zeilen: 9-31
Quelle: Armstrong 2003
Seite(n): 327, 328, 335, 344, Zeilen: 327:2-3.7-17; 328:2ff.; 335:19-23; 344:6-9
3. United Kingdom

There is a clear division of views on what it meant by sovereignty in the United Kingdom. Notwithstanding the ease with which the UK courts have, by and large, adapted to the UK's membership of the European Community/Union, the interpretation offered of how constitutionally this has been achieved and whether there has been a constitutional revolution in terms of our understanding of sovereignty is still debated. An overview of this debate in UK could be drawn in four perspectives that shape understanding of sovereignty in UK — the orthodox view, the 'common law approach', pluralist approaches and sceptical approaches.260 The orthodox view puts in the centre the sovereignty of the Parliament as a centralised political power and is understood as having the following consequences:261

- Validity: Laws enacted by Parliament are due to be considered to be legally valid and enforceable.

- Priority: It is the duty of the courts to apply the latest will of the Parliament over and above any other inconsistent rule of law, including common law rules.

- Continuity: Sovereignty is continued and cannot be legally limited.

A different approach to the question of legal authority can be seen in what will be termed here as the 'common law approach'. In short, the common law approach has sought to develop a perspective in which the common law is itself a source of legal authority. The nature of the pluralist approaches consider what is said about the nature of sovereignty in general and about what is happening to sovereignty in the UK in particular.262


260 See Armstrong, Kenneth, United Kingdom — Divided on Sovereignty?, in: Neil Walker (ed.), Sovereignty in Transition, 2003, pp. 327-350.

261 Ibid., pp. 328-350.

262 Ibid., pp. 343-348.

[page 327]

14 United Kingdom - Divided on Sovereignty

[...] And yet at the same time there is a clear division of views on what it means to talk of sovereignty in the UK. Notwithstanding the ease with which the UK courts have, by and large, adapted to the UK's membership of the European Community/Union (EC/EU), the interpretations offered of how - constitutionally - this has been achieved, and, whether there has been a constitutional revolution in terms of our understanding of sovereignty, differ markedly between authors. The aim of this chapter is to provide an overview of these debates in the UK. It draws out four perspectives that shape our understanding of sovereignty in the UK — the orthodox view, the common law approach, pluralist approaches and sceptical approaches.

[page 328]

A. The Orthodox View

At the centre of British orthodox constitutionalism lies the sovereignty of the Parliament. It is a unitary concept of sovereignty: unitary legal authority premised upon centralised political authority expressed through the will of Parliament. It is understood as having the following consequences:

Validity - laws enacted by Parliament are to be considered to be legally valid and enforceable;

Priority - it is the duty of the courts to apply the latest will of the Parliament over and above any other inconsistent rule of law, including common law rules;

Continuity - sovereignty is continuous and cannot be legally limited.2

[page 335]

B. The Common Law Approach

A different approach to the question of legal authority can be seen in what will be termed here as the 'common law' approach. In short, the common law approach has sought to develop a perspective in which the common law is itself a source of legal authority.

[page 344]

In this section, we consider pluralist approaches and what they tell us about the nature of sovereignty in general and what is happening to sovereignty in the UK in particular.


2 On whether Parliament can bind itself as to the form and manner of future legislative enactment, see Bradley, ibid.

Anmerkungen

Though the source is repeatedly mentioned, each time it is only given in general. Nevertheless nothing has been marked as a citation even though the concrete take-over mostly is word for word.

The list might be considered a legitimate citation, although there are marked differences to the original text.

The take-over from page 344 becomes totally jumbled so that the meaning of the new sentence remains in the dark.

Continued on the following page.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[63.] Ama/Fragment 066 03 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 2. November 2017, 00:43 Hindemith
Erstellt: 1. May 2017, 18:51 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Ziller 2003

Typus
BauernOpfer
Bearbeiter
Graf Isolan
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 66, Zeilen: 3-7.(7-9)
Quelle: Ziller 2003
Seite(n): 261, Zeilen: 6-12, 19-25
Part D Concepts of National Sovereignty

I. Different Views of National Sovereignty

In France, the debate on sovereignty has been centred for two centuries around the tension between national sovereignty and popular sovereignty — souveraineté nationale et souveraineté populaire251, when sovereignty was unanimously considered as inherent to the French state and French society. Nowadays, the discussion is shifting towards a transformation of the major features; sovereignty is linked with the evolution of the European integration and of globalisation. There are different views of sovereignty.


251 Ziller, Jacques, Sovereignty in France: Getting Rid of the Mal de Bodin, in: Nail Walker (ed,), Sovereignty in Transition, Oxford 2003, pp. 261 ff., 264-268.

1. INTRODUCTION

If we look at the French debate on sovereignty over the past decades,1 two somewhat contradictory impressions emerge. On one hand, an important trend seems to resist transformation, as demonstrated by the lasting passion with which so-called sovereignists - be they politicians, journalists or academics - persist in defending a concept of France that in their view is being endangered by the current evolution linked to European integration and globalisation. [...] Whereas for two centuries the French debate on sovereignty has been centred around the opposition between national sovereignty and popular sovereignty — souveraineté nationale et souveraineté populaire - when sovereignty was unanimously considered as inherent to the French state and French society, the discussion is nowadays shifting towards a transformation of the major features of sovereignty: is it possible to divide or share sovereignty?

Anmerkungen

The source is given in fn. 251.

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The process of enlargement has been an integral part of the development of the European Union (EU) over the last 50 years and it has been at the heart of the EU’s development over several decades. The very essence of European integration was to overcome the division of Europe and to contribute to the peaceful unification of the continent. Enlargement has been at the heart of the EU's development over several decades. The very essence of European integration is to overcome the division of Europe and to contribute to the peaceful unification of the continent.
Anmerkungen

The source is given on p. 15.

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Since Bodin’s “The King is an Emperor in his Kingdom”, the French debate on sovereignty had been entirely centred on its internal dimension until the early 1950s, when European integration reopened the discussion. 4. THE EXTERNAL DIMENSION OF SOVEREIGNTY

Since Bodin’s ‘The King is an Emperor in his Kingdom’ the French debate on sovereignty had been entirely centred on its internal dimension until the early 1950s when European integration, itself largely due to French initiatives, reopened the discussion.

Anmerkungen

Though identical, nothing has been marked as a citation.

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[66.] Ama/Fragment 070 01 - Diskussion
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[A supporter of the sceptical approach,] Harold Laski263, advocated, as a corrective to the centralization of power in the hands of elites, the decentralization of power, not just in the administration of government, but also in the allocation of discrete tasks to government bodies. A more conceptually sceptical view, which again seeks to shift attention towards the issue of political authority and the role of government, can be found in John Griffith's discussion of the "working constitution".264 The section on sovereignty in the United Kingdom explored the themes of continuity and change through four different approaches to sovereignty.

[260 See Armstrong, Kenneth, United Kingdom — Divided on Sovereignty?, in: Neil Walker (ed.), Sovereignty in Transition, 2003, pp. 327-350.]

263 Laski, Harold, The foundation [sic] of sovereignty, 1921, cited by Kenneth Armstrong, United Kingdom — Divided on Sovereignty, 2003, p. 348.

264 Griffith, John, The Common Law and the Political Constitution, 2001 Law Quarterly Review 42.

[page 348]

[...]63 [...]

[...]

As a corrective to the concentration of power in the hands of an elite, Laski advocated the decentralisation of power, not just in the administration of government, but also the allocation of discrete functional tasks to governmental bodies.

[page 349]

A more contemporary sceptical view which again seeks to shift attention towards issues of political authority and the role of government can be found in John Griffith’s discussion of the ‘working constitution’.66

[page 350]

This chapter has explored the themes of continuity and change through four different approaches to sovereignty in the UK.


63 HJ Laski, The Foundations of Sovereignty (London, Allen and Unwin, 1921).

66 JAG Griffith, ‘The Common Law and the Political Constitution’ (2001) 117 Law Quarterly Review 42.

Anmerkungen

Continued from the previous page.

The source is given once on the previous page and on this page only in connection with another reference. Still nothing has been marked as a citation even though the concrete take-over is in large parts word for word.

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[67.] Ama/Fragment 092 03 - Diskussion
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Two years later, the Helsinki European Council decided to start negotiations with Slovakia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Bulgaria, and Malta323 in February 2000. With the joining of Malta and Turkey, the enlargement process then comprised 13 candidates' states. Turkey was regarded as a state destined to enter the European Union based on the same criteria as those applying to the other candidate states. As Turkey did not meet political criteria, negotiations were envisaged.

The European Council in Copenhagen in December 2002 may be regarded as a historic milestone. Accession negotiations with Poland, Estonia, Slovenia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Cyprus, Slovakia, Latvia, Lithuania and Malta were closed, and these countries were scheduled to become full members of the European Union on 1 May 2004.324


323 The “Helsinki Group”.

324 European Council in Copenhagen, 12-13 December 2002, Conclusions of the Presidency.

Two years later, the Helsinki European Council decided to start negotiations with Slovakia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Bulgaria and Malta66 in February 2000. With the joining of Malta and Turkey, the enlargement process comprised 13 candidate states at that time. Turkey was regarded as a state destined to enter the European Union based on the same criteria as those applying to other candidate states. As Turkey did not meet the political criteria, negotiations were not envisaged.

The European Council in Copenhagen in December 2002 may be regarded as a historic milestone. Accession negotiations with Poland, Estonia, Slovenia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Cyprus, Slovakia, Latvia, Lithuania and Malta were closed, and these countries were scheduled to become full members of the European Union on 1 May 2004.67


66 The “Helsinki Group”.

67 Cf Koenig/Haratsch, Europarecht, (4th edn Mohr Siebeck, 2003) paras 974-977.

Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

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(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[68.] Ama/Fragment 085 16 - Diskussion
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Ama, Europedia 2007, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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As we saw above, the establishment of the common market first required the elimination of all import and export duties existing between Member States before the foundation of the Community. The creation of a common market resembling an internal market implies not only the liberalization of trade among the participating member states but also necessitates the free movement of products: labour, capital and services. It further entails the free establishment of companies in all territory of the member states, in order for individuals to exercise their professional or business activities. It appears that keyword of the common market is "Freedom". The establishment of the common market first required the elimination of all import and export duties existing between Member States before the foundation of the Community. We saw in the previous chapter [...]

The creation of a common market resembling an internal market implies not only the liberalisation of trade among the participating member states but also necessitates the free movement of production factors: labour, capital and services. It further entails the free establishment of persons and companies in all the territory of the member states, in order to exercise their professional or business activities. [...] It appears that the keyword of the common market is freedom.

Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

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(Hindemith), (Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[69.] Ama/Fragment 016 15 - Diskussion
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Did the European Union need such radical reform? The answer is YES. The European Union system had grown tremendously and this had progressively created a fundamental contradiction at its core. Basically, it provided a diplomatic system where the most fundamental political decisions for the continent were to be taken. What was needed was to transform this diplomatic system into a political system. This required reform in depth; keeping on tinkering at the edges would achieve nothing, except further scepticism in public opinion.63

63 Dehouse, Franklin, The Pillars of a European Constitution, Researcher IRRI-KIIB, available on: http://www.irri-kiib.be/papers/ConstitutionofEuropemotivation.pdf, last visited on 24 December 2008.

3.11. Do we finally need such a radical reform of the institutions?

Yes. The European system has grown tremendously and this has progressively created a fundamental contradiction in its core. This remains basically a diplomatic system where the most fundamental political decisions for the continent are taken. We absolutely need now to transform this diplomatic system into a political system. This requires a reform in depth. Keeping on tinkering at the edges will do nothing, except feed further the scepticism of public opinion.

Anmerkungen

Note that the mentioned source contains the text as well (see [2]), but nothing has been marked as a citation.

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(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02

[70.] Ama/Fragment 025 20 - Diskussion
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The institutional reform achieved in Nice has been described as "technical" and "limited". The Treaty did not, in fact, drastically change the institutional balance but rather made some adjustments, mainly to the function and composition of the institutions and to enhanced cooperation. In addition to the discussion on the reform of the institutions, some more unusual non-institutional topics were tackled. The Treaty of Amsterdam made specific provisions for the IGC in its Protocol on the institutions in the context of EU enlargement. It did in fact anticipate that "at least one year before the membership of the European Union exceeds twenty, a conference of representatives of the governments of the Member States shall be convened in order to carry out a comprehensive review of the provisions of the Treaties on the composition and functioning of the institutions". Furthermore, three Member States — Belgium, France and Italy — were also intent on making a Declaration stating that strengthening the institutions [was "an indispensable condition for the conclusion of the first accession negotiations".114]

114 See EU official webpage, available on: http://europa.eu/scadplus/nice_treaty/ introduction_en.htm#STRUCTURE, last visited on 29 December 2008.

The Treaty of Amsterdam made specific provisions for the IGC 2000 in its Protocol on the institutions in the context of EU enlargement. It did in fact anticipate that "at least one year before the membership of the European Union exceeds twenty, a conference of representatives of the governments of the Member States shall be convened in order to carry out a comprehensive review of the provisions of the Treaties on the composition and functioning of the institutions". Furthermore, three Member States, Belgium, France and Italy were also intent on making a Declaration stating that strengthening the institutions was an "an indispensable condition for the conclusion of the first accession negotiations".

[...]

The institutional reform achieved in Nice has been described as "technical" and "limited". The Treaty does not, in fact, drastically change the institutional balance but rather makes some adjustments, mainly to the function and composition of the institutions and enhanced cooperation. In addition to the discussion on the reform of the institutions, some more unusual non-institutional topics were tackled.

Anmerkungen

The source is given at the end and also on the previous page, but the extent of the citation does not become clear. Quotation marks are only used for small parts of the copied text.

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(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02

[71.] Ama/Fragment 084 28 - Diskussion
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c) The Concept of the Internal Market

The creation of a single European economic area based on a common market was the fundamental objective of the Treaty of Rome. Article 2 of that Treaty stipulated: "The Community shall have its task, by establishing a common market and progressively approximating the economic policies of Member States, to promote throughout the Community a harmonious development of economic activities, a continuous and balanced expansion, an increase in stability, an accelerated raising of the standard of living and closer relations between the States belonging to it". It is obvious that the common market was not an end in itself, but a means to achieve economic and political goals.

6. The EU common market

[...]

The creation of a single European economic area based on a common market was the fundamental objective of the Treaty of Rome [see section 2.1.]. Article 2 of that Treaty set out that objective as follows: "The Community shall have as its task, by establishing a common market and progressively approximating the economic policies of Member States, to promote throughout the Community a harmonious development of economic activities, a continuous and balanced expansion, an increase in stability, an accelerated raising of the standard of living and closer relations between the States belonging to it". It is obvious that the common market was not an end in itself, but a means to achieve economic and political goals.

Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

The literal quote in the thesis leaves out the word "as", making it grammatically incorrect.

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(Hindemith), (Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[72.] Ama/Fragment 060 06 - Diskussion
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The EU Member States, the Council, and the Commission meet regularly to coordinate their positions on various issues. The EU Treaty requires them to uphold common positions, so their collective weight can have more impact in the world. The EU Member States, the Council, and the Commission meet regularly to coordinate their positions on various issues. The EU Treaty requires them to uphold common positions so their collective weight can have more impact in the world.
Anmerkungen

The source is given on the previous page, but there is no indication that the documented passage is taken from it word by word.

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[73.] Ama/Fragment 028 10 - Diskussion
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Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Kaczynski et al 2008, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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European leaders decided nevertheless to continue the ratification process with the aim of achieving 26 ratifications by mid-October 2008. This plan failed, however, due to rising political and legal problems in a number of countries. Apart from its rejection in Ireland, the Treaty of Lisbon's ratification is being contested in the Constitutional Courts of Germany and the Czech Republic127 and it faces political challenges in the Czech Republic and Poland.128

127 The Czech Constitutional Court has given a positive verdict on the compatibility of the Treaty of Lisbon with the Czech constitutional order, on 26 November 2008.

128 Piotr Maciej Kaczynski, Sebastian Kurpas and Peadar o Broin, Ratification of the Lisbon Treaty, Ireland is not the only problem, European Policy Institutes Networks Working Paper, 18 September 2008.

After the Irish voters rejected the Treaty of Lisbon in a public referendum on 12 June 2008, European Union leaders decided nevertheless to continue the ratification process, with the aim of achieving 26 ratifications by mid-October 2008. This plan failed, however, due to rising political and legal problems in a number of countries. Apart from its rejection in Ireland, the Treaty of Lisbon’s ratification is now being contested in the Constitutional Courts of Germany and the Czech Republic and it faces political challenges in the Czech Republic and Poland.
Anmerkungen

The source is given, but nothing has been marked as a citation.

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[74.] Ama/Fragment 015 06 - Diskussion
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What, then, are the great constitutional moments in the history of the European Union? There are some obvious candidates: the Schuman Declaration of May 1950; the entry into force of the Treaty of Rome in January 1958; the profoundly important decision of the European Court of July 1964 declaring the supremacy of Community law; perhaps the 1965 "Empty Chair" crisis and the subsequent Luxembourg Accord with its hugely important impact on Community decision-making; perhaps, in more recent times, the 1985 White Paper of the Commission setting the 1992 objective of completion of the single market; or indeed, the 1986 Single European Act which endorsed that plan, restored majority voting to the Council of Ministers and set a veritable Euro psychosis across the continents.55 Many argue that Maastricht Treaty, with its symbolism and pompous official name: the Treaty on European Union crossed the line first.56

55 J.H.H. Weiler, The Constitution of Europe — do the new Clothes have an Emperor, Cambridge 1999, p. 3.

56 Ibid, p. 4.

What, then, are the great constitutional moments in the history of the European Union? There are some obvious candidates. The Schuman Declaration of May 1950? The entry into force of the Treaty of Rome in January 1958? The profoundly important decision of the European Court of July 1964 declaring the supremacy of Community law? Perhaps the 1965 “empty chair” crisis and the subsequent Luxembourg Accord with its hugely important impact on Community decision-making? Perhaps, in more recent times, the 1985 White Paper of the Commission setting the 1992 objective for completion of the single market, or, indeed, the 1986 Single European Act which endorsed that plan, restored majority voting to the Council of Ministers and set a veritable Europsychosis across the continent?

All these would be in contention. But for me it is Maastricht and its

[page 4]

aftermath which cross the line first. Not the content of the Treaty, important as, say, economic and monetary' union may be. Not the symbolism (for it is no more than that) of Maastricht’s pompous official name: the Treaty on European Union.

Anmerkungen

The source is given, but it does not become clear that almost the entire paragraph is copied verbatim. There are no quotation marks.

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[75.] Ama/Fragment 014 17 - Diskussion
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This choice was not only economic but also political, as these two raw materials were the basis of the industry and power of the two countries. The underlying political objective was to strengthen Franco-German solidarity, banish the spectre of war and open the way to European integration.52

As stated in Article 2 of the Treaty of European Coal and Steel Community, the aim was to contribute, through the common market for coal and steel, to economic expansion, growth of employment and rising standard of living. In the light of the establishment of the common market, the Treaty introduced the free movement of products without customs duties or taxes. It prohibited discriminatory measures or practices, subsidies, aids granted by States or special charges imposed by States and restrictive practices.


52 http://europa.eu/scadplus/treaties/ecsc_en.htm last visited on 27 September 2007.

This choice was not only economic but also political, as these two raw materials were the basis of the industry and power of the two countries. The underlying political objective was to strengthen Franco-German solidarity, banish the spectre of war and open the way to European integration.

[...]

The aim of the Treaty, as stated in Article 2, was to contribute, through the common market for coal and steel, to economic expansion, growth of employment and a rising standard of living. [...]

In the light of the establishment of the common market, the Treaty introduced the free movement of products without customs duties or taxes. It prohibited discriminatory measures or practices, subsidies, aids granted by States or special charges imposed by States and restrictive practices.

Anmerkungen

The source is given, but nothing has been marked as a citation, and the copied text continues after the reference to the source.

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(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02

[76.] Ama/Fragment 040 12 - Diskussion
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Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, PetersburgCity.com 2003, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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The summit participants undertook an extensive review of EU-Russian relations; progress achieved in the implementation of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement and looked at further steps to promote the EU-Russian strategic partnership and the integration of Russia into wider Europe. A joint statement was adopted by the summit participants.175

175 See the "Joint Statement" of the Petersburg Summit that took place on 31 May 2003, available also on: http://www.delrus.ec.europa.eu/en/p_234.htm, last visited on 4 May 2008.

The Summit participants undertook an extensive review of EU-Russia relations, progress achieved in the implementation of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement and looked at further steps to promote the EU-Russia strategic partnership and the integration of Russia into Wider Europe.

A joint statement was adopted by the Summit participants:

Anmerkungen

Classification as pawn sacrifice, because the given source also contains the copied text, see [3].

However, the reference is only given for the joint statement, not the introductory text that has been copied verbatim.

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(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02

[77.] Ama/Fragment 046 15 - Diskussion
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Ama, Euractiv 2003, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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The convention finished its work in June 2003 with a 'Draft Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe'. One of the biggest achievements with the Constitution for Europe was that the EU should be able to become a member of certain international organizations. But the draft constitution is less successful in making the EU a more democratic and transparent organization. It preserves many of the EU's complex structures and procedures, which are the result of political deals struck over the past half-century. Giuliano Amato, convention vice-president, summed up the ambivalent mood when, asked whether he was proud of his "baby", he replied: "Yes, I am proud. But I wanted a girl, and we have given birth to a boy".198

198 Quoted in Quentiom Peel, EU Constitutional Misses its Moment, Financial Times, 16 June 2003.

The Convention finished its work in June 2003 with a ‘Draft Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe’. [...]

[...]

[...] The EU will also be able to become a member of certain international organisations. But the draft constitution is less successful in making the EU a more democratic and transparent organisation. [...] It preserves many of the EU’s complex structures and procedures, which are the result of political deals struck over the past half-century. Giuliano Amato, Convention vice-president, summed up the ambivalent mood when, asked whether he was proud of his ‘baby’, he replied: ‘Yes, I am proud. But I wanted a girl, and we have given birth to a boy’.

Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

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(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, PlagProf:-)

[78.] Ama/Fragment 121 10 - Diskussion
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The rate of progress has to be dependent on the performance of the countries themselves in a wide range of reforms of their economies, standards of democracy, human rights, good governance and respect of rule of law. Ahead of the Summit, the Commissioner for External Relations, Chris Patten said: "Thessaloniki will send two important messages to the Western Balkans: The prospect of membership of the EU is real, and we will not regard the map of the Union as complete until you have joined us. We in the European Commission will do all we can to help you succeed. But membership must be earned. It will take the sheer hard work and applied political will of those in power in the region. How far you proceed along the road towards European integration, and how fast, will be up to you". The rate of progress would depend on the performance of the countries themselves in a wide range of reforms of their economies, standards of democracy, human rights, good governance and respect for rule of law. It was hoped that the Summit would see an intensified commitment from the whole region to step up the pace of reforms. Ahead of the Summit, the then Commissioner for External Relations, Chris Patten, said: "Thessaloniki will send two important messages to the Western Balkans: The prospect of membership of the EU is real, and we will not regard the map of the Union as complete until you have joined us. We in the European Commission will do all we can to help you succeed. But membership must be earned. It will take the sheer hard work and applied political will of those in power in the region. How far you proceed along the road towards European Integration, and how fast, will be up to you".
Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned, and no (other) source is indicated for the Chris Patten quote.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, PlagProf:-)

[79.] Ama/Fragment 128 01 - Diskussion
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Ama, BauernOpfer, COM 2008 127 final, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Quelle: COM 2008 127 final
Seite(n): 19, 20, Zeilen: 19:36-38; 20: 1 ff.
[It prepares candidate countries to imple]ment the regional, social, rural development and cohesion founds [sic] upon accession. The Western-Balkan countries will receive around €4 billion under IPA for the period of 2007-2011. Particular emphasis will be given to state building, rule of law, reconciliation, administrative and judicial reform, the fight against corruption and organized crime, and economic reforms. The European Investment Bank will increase its lending activities to the region from a total of €1.9 billion for 2005-2007 to an estimated €2.8 billion for the period 2008-2010. The lending activities focus primarily on projects in the areas of transport, energy, SMEs, environment, municipal infrastructure, education and health.

More than €1 billion from different EU financial instruments are planned to assist Kosovo's development and to finance the international presence for the period 2007-2010.

[page 19]

It prepares candidate countries to implement the regional, social, rural development and cohesion funds upon accession.

The Western Balkans will receive around €4 billion under IPA for the period 2007-2011.

[page 20]

Particular emphasis will be given to state-building, rule of law, reconciliation, administrative and judicial reform, the fight against corruption and organised crime, and economic reforms, areas which the Council has stressed should be addressed at an earlier stage in the accession process.

The European Investment Bank will increase its lending to the region (from a total of € 1.9 billion for 2005-2007, to an estimated € 2.8 billion for the period 2008-2010). This includes lending covered by the Community budget guarantee and lending at EIB's own risk. EIB lending activities in the Western Balkans focus primarily on projects in the areas of transport, energy, small and medium-sized enterprises, environment, municipal infrastructure, education and health.

A major effort is being made in support of Kosovo. More than € 1 billion from different EU financial instruments are planned to assist Kosovo's development and to finance the international presence for the period 2007-2010.

Anmerkungen

Continued from previous page. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), (Graf Isolan), PlagProf:-)

[80.] Ama/Fragment 127 04 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 22. September 2017, 13:07 PlagProf:-)
Erstellt: 23. April 2017, 08:32 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, COM 2008 127 final, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Hindemith, Graf Isolan
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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 127, Zeilen: (3-6), 7-33, 34-41
Quelle: COM 2008 127 final
Seite(n): 16, 18, 19, Zeilen: 16: 2 ff.; 18: 15-18.24-26.31-33; 19:13-17.(31).34.36-37
VI. Economic Prosperity

The Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council, Western Balkan: Enhancing the European Perspective of 5 March 2008 refers also to the economic prosperity of the Western Balkans.

Economic and social development, by increasing competitiveness, reducing high levels of unemployment, fostering human development and labour market participation, building infrastructure and ensuring social cohesion are major challenges throughout the Western Balkans:

- Support to economic stabilization and reforms in the region: The Balkan countries continue work towards fulfilling the Copenhagen economic criteria. They also need to prepare for the future participation in the multilateral surveillance and economic policy coordination procedures as part of the Economic and Monetary Union. The Commission supports their efforts.

- Cooperation with the International Financial institutions (IFIs) for economic and social development: The Commission is committed to closer coordination with the IFIs supporting modernization and development in the Western-Balkans, focussing on the three priority areas:

a) small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs),

b) energy efficiency,

c) infrastructure.

- Disaster prevention, preparedness and response: The major forest fires in the summer of 2007 and frequent floods in the region show the need for the countries of South East Europe to build up their capacity and to enhance regional cooperation in the field of civil protection and disaster prevention. In 2008, the Commission launched a Disaster Risk Reduction Initiative to prepare a regional strategy and to develop the capacity of the Western-Balkan countries and Turkey for data collection, processing and sharing. The Community Civil Protection Mechanism facilitates preparedness for and response to major emergencies, while the Community Civil Protection Financial Instrument provides the legal basis for financing all EU activities in the field of civil protection. Both these instruments are open to participation of the Western-Balkan countries. The Disaster Preparedness and Prevention Initiative for South East Europe (DPPI SEE) has been developing an institutional framework and intensifying its activities in areas such as flood response, seismic hazards and exploring the possibility of creating a Joint Emergency Unit and a disaster management training program.

VII. Financial Assistance

The instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA) streamlines all pre-accession measures within a single framework. It prepares candidate countries to imple[ment the regional, social, rural development and cohesion founds [sic] upon accession.]

[page 16]

Increasing competitiveness, reducing high levels of unemployment, fostering human development and labour market participation, building infrastructure and ensuring social cohesion are major challenges throughout the Western Balkans. [...]

Support to economic stabilisation and reforms in the region

The Western Balkan countries continue work towards fulfilling the Copenhagen economic criteria, which require the existence of a functioning market economy and capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces in the EU. They also need to prepare for future participation in the multilateral surveillance and economic policy co-ordination procedures as part of Economic and Monetary Union. The Commission supports their efforts. [...]

Cooperation with IFIs for economic and social development

The Commission is committed to closer coordination with the EIB, the EBRD and other IFIs supporting modernisation and development in the Western Balkans. The Commission and the IFIs are focusing on three priority areas: micro- and small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), energy efficiency and infrastructure.

[page 18]

Disaster prevention, preparedness and response

The major forest fires in the summer of 2007 and frequent floods in the region show the need for the countries of South East Europe to build up their capacity and to enhance regional cooperation in the field of civil protection and disaster prevention. [...]

In 2008, the Commission will launch a Disaster Risk Reduction Initiative to prepare a regional strategy and to develop the capacity of the Western Balkan countries and Turkey for data collection, processing and sharing. [...]

The Community Civil Protection Mechanism facilitates preparedness for and response to major emergencies, while the Community Civil Protection Financial Instrument provides the legal basis for financing all EU activities in the field of civil protection.

[page 19]

The Disaster Preparedness and Prevention Initiative for South East Europe (DPPI SEE), initiated under the Stability Pact, has been developing an institutional framework and intensifying its activities in areas such as flood response, seismic hazards and exploring the possibility of creating a Joint Emergency Response Unit and a disaster management training programme. [...]

[...]

8. Community financial support and donor coordination

[...]

IPA streamlines all pre-accession assistance within a single framework. [...] It prepares candidate countries to implement the regional, social, rural development and cohesion funds upon accession.

Anmerkungen

The source is mentioned in the first sentence (not included in the line count), but nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Hindemith), PlagProf:-)

[81.] Ama/Fragment 055 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 15. September 2017, 16:30 PlagProf:-)
Erstellt: 6. June 2017, 16:07 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, House of Lords 2008, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
BauernOpfer
Bearbeiter
SleepyHollow02, Graf Isolan
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 55, Zeilen: 1-20, 101-107
Quelle: House of Lords 2008
Seite(n): 7, 8, 9, Zeilen: 7: 9 ff., 102-107; 8:4-9.11-12; 9: 28ff.
[The second section outlines the strategic objectives for the Euro]pean Union in addressing those threats, building security in the EU’s neighbourhood and international order based on effective multilateralism. In the third section, the ESS calls for the EU to be more active, more capable and coherent, without determining how the EU should achieve this.

As can be seen from the above, the strategy describes broad categories of threats, but does not cover every possible security risk or specific threat.

The European Security Strategy represented the collective thinking of Member States on the challenges and security threats facing them at the beginning of the 21st century, as perceived in 2003. The ESS is not a strategy in the military sense of prescribing detailed actions and set timelines. However, it does helpfully define a common approach to the main security challenges and sets out three important EU security objectives: addressing the threats, building security in the EU's neighbourhood and working with other states and organisations to achieve "effective multilateralism".217

Four years later, in December 2007, in the light of a changing international situation, the enlargement of the EU and developments in the EU's own Security and Defence Policy, the European Council called on the Secretary General/High Representative, Javier Solana , to review the Strategy, and in particular its implementation. This was to be done in full association with the Commission and in close cooperation with the Member States.218


217 Ibid., p. 10.

218 Javier Solana was asked to examine the implementation of the 2003 European Security Strategy "with a view to proposing elements on how to improve the implementation and, as appropriate, elements to complement it for adoption by the Europe Council in December 2008", available on Council Conclusions website: http://www.consilium.europa.eu/ueDocs/cms_Data/docs/pressData/en/ec/97669.pdf, last visited on 15 March 2009.

Four years later, in December 2007, in the light of the changing international situation, the enlargement of the EU and developments in the EU’s own Security and Defence Policy2, the European Council called on the Secretary General/High Representative, Dr Javier Solana, to review the Strategy, and in particular its implementation. This was to be done in full association with the Commission and in close cooperation with the Member States3.

2 European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP)

3 Council Conclusions website www.consilium.europa.eu/ueDocs/cms_Data/docs/pressData/en/ec/97669.pdf. Dr Solana was asked to examine the implementation of the 2003 European Security Strategy “with a view to proposing elements on how to improve the implementation and, as appropriate, elements to complement it, for adoption by the European Council in December 2008”

[page 8]

A second section outlines the strategic objectives for the European Union (EU) as addressing the threats, building security in the EU’s neighbourhood and an international order based on effective multilateralism. In a third section the ESS calls for the EU to be more active, more capable and coherent, without determining how the EU should achieve this. [...]

4. As can be seen from the above, the Strategy describes broad categories of threat but does not cover every possible security risk or specific threat.

[page 9]

11. The European Security Strategy represents the collective thinking of Member States on the challenges and security threats facing them at the beginning of the 21st century, as perceived in 2003. The ESS is not a strategy in the military sense of prescribing detailed actions and set timelines. However, it does helpfully define a common approach to the main security challenges and sets three important EU security objectives: addressing the threats, building security in the EU’s neighbourhood and working with other states and organisations to achieve “effective multilateralism”.

Anmerkungen

Nothing has been marked as a citation.

The true source is named only on the previous page, with a different page number (4). This fragment could alternatively be classified as "Verschleierung".

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), (Graf Isolan), PlagProf:-)

[82.] Ama/Fragment 054 17 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 15. September 2017, 16:09 PlagProf:-)
Erstellt: 4. May 2017, 12:22 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, House of Lords 2008, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
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Bearbeiter
Hindemith
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 54, Zeilen: 17-23
Quelle: House of Lords 2008
Seite(n): 7, 8, Zeilen: 7: 7 ff.; 8: 29 ff.
In December 2003, the Member States of the European Union agreed a "European Security Strategy" (ESS), in the wake of the divisions among Members caused largely by the invasion of Iraq.

The European Security Strategy was presented by Mr. Javier Solana to the European Council meeting on 12 December 2003. Its aim was to formulate a European approach to the EU's security, particularly after the divisions caused by the Iraq war.216


216 Adapting the EU's approach to today's security challenges — the Review of the 2003 European Security Strategy, House of Lords, European Union Committee, 31st Report of Session 2007-08, p. 4, published 21 November 2008, available on: http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld200708/ldselect/ldeucom/190/190.pdf, last visited on 15 March 2009.

In December 2003, the Member States of the European Union (EU) agreed a “European Security Strategy” (ESS)1 in the wake of the divisions among Members caused largely by the invasion of Iraq.

[page 8]

7. The European Security Strategy was presented by Dr Javier Solana to the European Council meeting on 12 December 2003. Its aim was to formulate a European approach to the EU’s security, particularly after the divisions caused by the Iraq war, as we have noted.


See Appendix No 5.

Anmerkungen

The source is mentioned, but with an inaccurate page number. Nothing has been marked as a citation. The copied text spans across paragraphs.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, PlagProf:-)

[83.] Ama/Fragment 108 27 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 14. September 2017, 21:32 Schumann
Erstellt: 26. April 2017, 03:07 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Stiglmayer 1994

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Bearbeiter
Hindemith
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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 108, Zeilen: 27-39
Quelle: Stiglmayer 1994
Seite(n): 23, 24, Zeilen: 23: 27 ff.; 24: 1 ff.
14,000 persons were sent to Serbian-occupied territories of Croatia and had the task of demilitarising the crisis zone and facilitating the return of Croatian refugees. Because they had no means of bringing pressure to bear, they were far from their goal. The 8,000 UN soldiers who had accompanied aid convoys in Bosnia and Herzegovina since October 1992 could use weapons only if a convoy was actually attacked. Because they had no mandate to intervene in any battles, they had to look on without acting, whilst the civilian population was massacred. At first the fight ban in Bosnia and Herzegovina, passed by the UN Security Council in October 1992, did not dictate punishment for non-observance. Not until six months later, after the Serbians had done their work, did NATO provide planes authorized to shoot down hostile military aircraft.

The Community of nations has, been investigating war crimes in the former Yugoslavia only superficially.

The 14,000 UN soldiers who were sent to the Serbian-occupied territories of Croatia have the task of demilitarizing the crisis zones and facilitating the return of Croatian refugees. Because they have no means of bringing pressure to bear, they are as far from their goal today as they were at the outset. The 8,000 UN soldiers who have been accompanying and protecting aid convoys in Bosnia-Herzegovina since October 1992 may use force only if a convoy is actually attacked. Every barricade at which they are “peaceably” stopped presents an insurmountable barrier. Because they may not intervene in any battles, they have to look on without acting as the civilian population is massacred. At first the flight ban over Bosnia-Herzegovina, passed by the UN Security Council in October

[page 24]

1992, did not dictate punishment for nonobservance. Not until six months later, after the Serbian air force had done its work, did NATO provide planes authorized to shoot down hostile military aircraft.

[...]

The community of nations has been investigating war crimes in the former Yugoslavia only superficially.

Anmerkungen

The source is mentioned only on the previous page. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Hindemith), WiseWoman

[84.] Ama/Fragment 101 32 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 14. September 2017, 21:16 Schumann
Erstellt: 22. April 2017, 18:30 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Murphy 2006, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
Hindemith
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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 101, Zeilen: 32-35
Quelle: Murphy 2006
Seite(n): 645, Zeilen: 7 ff.
IV. Preliminary Conclusions

The structure and purpose of European integration was fundamentally altered by the collapse of the post-World War II and, subsequently, from the collapse of the Soviet Union and its satellites of Central and Eastern Europe. [...] For moral [and practical reasons, the core countries of the EU saw no choice but to bring their Central and Eastern European neighbours into the framework of European integration.]

CONCLUSION

The structure and purpose of European integration was fundamentally altered by the collapse of the post–World War II order in 1989. For moral and practical reasons, the core countries of the EU saw no alternative but to bring their central and eastern European neighbors into the framework of European integration.

Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

Note that the copied text is found in a section entitled "preliminary conclusions".

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[85.] Ama/Fragment 006 25 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 14. September 2017, 21:02 Schumann
Erstellt: 23. April 2017, 09:28 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Krapohl 2006, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
Hindemith
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 6, Zeilen: 25-29
Quelle: Krapohl 2006
Seite(n): 1, Zeilen: 6 ff.
The accession of 27 nation states to membership of the European Union was probably the most ambitious policy project of the post-war era. From the debris of the Second World War, a political entity developed during the next 50 years, which peacefully unified the people of Europe, and which significantly influenced the policy-making process within Member States. [...] 27

27 See Mark A. Pollack, The Engines of European Integration, Oxford 2003, p. 4

The integration of 25 nation states within the European Union is probably the most ambitious policy project of the post-war era. From the debris of the Second World-War, a political entity developed during the past 50 years, which peacefully unifies the people of Europe, and which significantly influences policy-making within its member states.
Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned, only a reference to a page that does not contain this selection of words.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[86.] Ama/Fragment 131 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 10. September 2017, 10:18 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 1. May 2017, 06:01 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, House of Commons 2007, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Bearbeiter
Hindemith
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 131, Zeilen: 1-6
Quelle: House of Commons 2007
Seite(n): 23, 24, Zeilen: 23: last lines (i.e. 31ff.); 24: 1ff.
["[...] In the light of these experiences, a further five] Member States have opened their labour markets and another two have partially opened them."428

The International Commission on the Balkans (ICB) states: “The truth is that the population of the small Balkan countries is about 4 percent of the EU population today. The challenge is not the ‘absorption capacity’ but the moral capacity of the Union”.429


428 European Commission, Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2006-2007, including annexed Special Report on the EU’s Capacity to Integrate New Members, COM(2006) 649 final, 8.11.2006, p. 4.

429 Statement from the International Commission on the Balkans, 9 May 2008.

In the light of these experiences, a further five Member States have opened their labour markets and another two have partially opened them.45

The International Commission on the Balkans (ICB) states that

[page 24]

The truth is that the population of the small Balkan countries is about 4 percent of the EU population today. The challenge is not to the “absorption capacity” but to the moral capacity of the Union. 46


45 ‘Enlargement Strategy an [sic] Main Challenges 2006-2007, Including Annexed Special Report on the EU’s Capacity to Integrate New Members’, European Commission, COM(2006) 649, 8 November 2006, p4

46 Statement from the International Commission on the Balkans, 9 May 2006 http://www.balkan-commission.org/

Anmerkungen

The source is not given. Seemless continuation from the previous page, where the copied passage includes the entire page: Fragment 130 01

Even though this fragment only contains correct citations, in view of the previous observation that it is part of a much larger take-over, it is categorized as "Verschleierung".

The seemingly correct citation from the International Commission on the Balkans is not correct anymore since Ama has tampered with its wording.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, Graf Isolan

[87.] Ama/Fragment 130 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 10. September 2017, 10:11 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 1. May 2017, 05:46 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, House of Commons 2007, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Bearbeiter
Hindemith
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 130, Zeilen: 1 ff (entire page)
Quelle: House of Commons 2007
Seite(n): 21, 23, Zeilen: 21: 16 ff.; 23: 15 ff.
"[Integration capacity is about whether the EU] can take in new members at a given moment or in a given period, without jeopardizing the political and policy objectives established by the Treaties".426

The Strategy goes on to set out how the Union's capacity to maintain momentum for European integration as it enlarges has three main components:

- institutions,

- common policies and

- budget.

On institutions, it points to the fact that the Nice Treaty provides institutional rules for up to 27 members. If the Western Balkan countries (and others) are joining the EU, the EU must first decide on a new institutional settlement. On policies, it argues, that the Union needs to be in a position, as it enlarges, to continue developing and implementing common policies in all areas. As a result, in the future, each Commission opinion on a country's application for EU membership will include an assessment of the impact of its accession on EU policies. Finally, on budgets, each Commission opinion will also include estimates of the budgetary impact of a new accession.

X. Preliminary Conclusions

At a very basic level, some argue that public perceptions about enlargement have unduly influenced the EU's new strategy. While few commentators argue that public concerns are not genuine, there are those who argue that they are nevertheless misplaced and therefore not a reason for the EU to turn its back on potential candidate countries. In their view, contrary to apparent public belief, successive studies have indicated that enlargement has not created unfair competition in the European Single Market.427 The Commission points out: "The enlarged Union has meant a more efficient division of labour and made the EU better equipped to compete globally. Overall, the latest enlargement has acted as a catalyst for economic growth and modernization in the EU. A number of major studies have made this clear recently. For example, concrete benefits are seen in three Member States which introduced the free movement of labour. They have seen benefits in terms of increased national income and tax revenues and the shrinking of the grey economy. Workers from new Member States have helped to overcome skills shortages in the labour market and have adapted well to their new cultural environment. In the light of these experiences, a further five [Member States have opened their labour markets and another two have partially opened them."428]


426 European Commission, Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2006-2007, including annexed Special Report on the EU's Capacity to integrate New Members, COM(2006) 649 final, 8.11.2006, p. 23.

427 Enlargement, Two Years After — An Economic Success, European Commission, COM(2006) 200 final,.3.5.2006.

428 European Commission, Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2006-2007, including annexed Special Report on the EU's Capacity to Integrate New Members, COM(2006) 649 final, 8.11.2006, p. 4.

Integration capacity is about whether the EU can take in new members at a given moment or in a given period, without jeopardizing the political and policy objectives established by the Treaties. 38

The Strategy goes on to set out how the Union’s capacity to maintain momentum for European integration as it enlarges has three main components: institutions, common policies and budget.

On institutions, it points to the fact that the Nice Treaty provides institutional rules for up to 27 Members. If the Western Balkan countries (and others) are to join the EU, the EU must first decide on a new institutional settlement. On policies, it argues that the Union needs to be in a position, as it enlarges, to continue developing and implementing common policies in all areas. As a result, in the future, each Commission opinion on a country’s application for EU Membership will include an assessment of the impact of its accession on EU policies. Finally, on budgets, each Commission opinion will also include estimates of the budgetary impact of a new accession.

[page 22]

At a very basic level some argue that public perceptions about enlargement have unduly influenced the EU’s new strategy. While few commentators argue that public concerns are not genuine, there are those who argue that they are nevertheless misplaced and therefore not a reason for the EU to turn its back on potential candidate countries. In their view, contrary to apparent public belief, successive studies have indicated that enlargement has not created unfair competition in the EU single market.44 The Commission points out

The enlarged Union has meant a more efficient division of labour and made the EU better equipped to compete globally. Overall, the latest enlargement has acted as a catalyst for economic growth and modernisation in the EU. A number of major studies have made this clear recently. For example, concrete benefits are seen in the three Member States which introduced the free movement of labour, upon the accession of the ten new Member States. They have seen benefits in terms of increased national income and tax revenues and shrinkage of the grey economy. Workers from new Member States have helped to overcome skills shortages in the labour market and have adapted well to their new cultural environment. In the light of these experiences, a further five Member States have opened their labour markets and another two have partially opened them.45


37 ‘Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2006-2007, Including Annexed Special Report on the EU’s Capacity to Integrate New Members’, European Commission, COM(2006) 649, 8 November 2006, p23

38 Ibid p.17

44 ‘Enlargement, Two Years After – An Economic Success’, European Commission, COM(2006)200, 3 May 2006 http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/ publications/occasional_papers/2006/ocp24en.pdf

45 ‘Enlargement Strategy an Main Challenges 2006-2007, Including Annexed Special Report on the EU’s Capacity to Integrate New Members’, European Commission, COM(2006) 649, 8 November 2006, p4

Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

Note that the reference to the House of Lords publication is misleading. This paper does not contain the copied text, see [4]

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, PlagProf:-)

[88.] Ama/Fragment 126 15 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. September 2017, 21:14 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 23. April 2017, 08:25 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, COM 2008 127 final, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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BauernOpfer
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Hindemith, Graf Isolan
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Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 126, Zeilen: (14) 15-29
Quelle: COM 2008 127 final
Seite(n): 21, 22, Zeilen: 21:2ff.; 22:3-8
V. New Perspectives for Minorities

The Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council, Western Balkans: Enhancing the European Perspective,420 emphasizes once more that the future of the Western Balkan is within the EU. The EU stresses the importance of peace, stability and security in this part of Europe and welcomes the efforts of the Western Balkan countries to come closer to the EU and meet the necessary conditions. The Western Balkan countries have the potential to accelerate their course towards eventual EU membership, provided they pursue the path of reform and reconciliation and meet the necessary conditions; the EU is assisting them in this endeavour.

Basic issues of state building, good governance, administrative and judicial reform, rule of law including the fight against corruption and organized crime, reconciliation, socio-economic development, and civil society development are key reform priorities for the Western Balkan countries. Full cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) remains a condition on the way towards the EU for the countries concerned.


420 COM(2008) 127 final, 5.3.2008.

[page 21]

The Council and Parliament are invited to take note of the following conclusions.

  • The future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. The EU stresses the importance of peace, stability and security in this part of Europe, and welcomes all efforts of the Western Balkan countries to come closer to the EU, meeting the necessary conditions. The Western Balkans have the potential to accelerate their course towards eventual EU membership, provided they pursue the path of reform and reconciliation, and meet the necessary conditions. The EU will assist them in this endeavour. [...]

[page 22]

  • Basic issues of state building, good governance, administrative and judicial reform, rule of law including the fight against corruption and organised crime, reconciliation, socio-economic development, and civil society development, are key reform priorities for the Western Balkans. Full cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY) remains a condition on the way towards the EU for the countries concerned.
Anmerkungen

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(Hindemith), (Graf Isolan), WiseWoman

[89.] Ama/Fragment 067 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 4. September 2017, 19:01 Graf Isolan
Erstellt: 22. May 2017, 18:47 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Ziller 2003

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SleepyHollow02
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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 67, Zeilen: 1 ff. (complete page)
Quelle: Ziller 2003
Seite(n): 263, 268, 269, 270, 276, 277, Zeilen: 263: 10ff.; 268: 5, 18ff.; 269: 3ff., 25ff.; 270: 1ff.; 276: 2ff., 20ff., 31ff.; 277: 1.17ff.
[Machiavelli, Bodin, Hobbes, Bossuet, Locke, Montesquieu,] Rousseau, Siéyés, Burke, Fichte, Tocqueville, Marx, Engels, Sorel, Lenin and Hitler.

The book's structure shows how central the 1789 revolution has remained in French political culture, and the selection of authors also indicates the central place of the concept of sovereignty alongside that of democracy.253

The external dimension of sovereignty, involving two waves of colonization which have marked France's history, is a key factor in understanding the French approach to sovereignty. The first wave led to the establishment of French colonies in the West and East Indias, in some small coastal spots of Africa, and also in Indian Ocean during the 17th century. The second wave of colonization started during the restoration of the monarchy (1816-1848) with the conquest of Algeria, but mainly resulted from the foreign policy of the Third Republic at the end of the 19th century.

At the beginning of the 21st century, the only remaining legacies of this second wave of colonization are the New-Caledonia and French Polynesia — two territories where a new approach to shared sovereignty is being pursued — and the micro-region of Wallis and Futuna, a territory with fewer than 10 000 inhabitants in total.

While France struggled with the premise of de-colonization in the 1950s, it also started to take initiatives in the field of European integration. The old rhetoric — with popular sovereignty countering national sovereignty — finds an echo in two opposed conceptions of French policy regarding European integration. The more inter-governmental tendency, initiated by Charles de Gaulle as soon as he returned to the government in June1958 [sic], was labelled by de Gaulle himself as “Europe of the Fatherlands”.

The most recent French debate on sovereignty addresses the notion of shared sovereignty, but this concept is heavily criticized in much legal doctrine; it is striking that neither notion has generated deep discussion. This concept of "Shared Sovereignty" appeared first in the Noumea Agreement of 5 May 1998254, which provided a new form of autonomy for New Caledonia and includes the notion of double citizenship — French Citizenship plus Caledonian citizenship. The agreement led to constitutional changes in France. A number of academics in France consider the lessons of New Caledonia as totally meaningless, whereas others welcome the potential of an idea which helps to explain and [to guide European integration, as well as the evolution of state forms away from a unitary model in a growing number of national jurisdictions.255]


[251 Ziller, Jacques, Sovereignty in France: Getting Rid of the Mal de Bodin, in: Neil Walker (ed,), Sovereignty in Transition, Oxford 2003, pp. 261 ff., 264-268.

252 Ibid., pp. 261-277.]

253 Ibid.

254 Accords de Noumea of 5 May 1998, signed by the Representatives of the Indigenous Kanak Population of new Caledonia and the French Government.

255 See Ziller, Jacques, Partager la souveraineté ici et ailleurs — Rapport de synthèse, in: J.-Y. Faberon (ed.), La Souveraineté Partagée en Nouvelle-Caledonie et en Droit Comparé, Paris 2000, pp. 447-458.

[page 263]

The book’s structure shows how central the 1789 Revolution has remained in French political culture, and the selection of authors also indicates the central place of the concept of sovereignty next to that of democracy.

[page 268]

4. THE EXTERNAL DIMENSION OF SOVEREIGNTY

[...]

Nevertheless, the two waves that marked that history are a key factor to understanding the French approach to sovereignty. The first one led to the establishment of French colonies in the West and East Indies, in some small coastal spots of Africa, and also in the Indian Ocean during the 17th Century; [...]

[page 269]

To a certain extent, it could be argued that this is an illustration of the notion of popular sovereignty. The second wave of colonisation started during the restoration of the monarchy (1816-48) with the conquest of Algeria, but mainly resulted from the foreign policy of the Third Republic at the end of the 19th century. [...]

[...] At the beginning of the 21st century, the only remaining legacies of this second wave of colonisation are New-Caledonia and French Polynesia—two territories where a new approach to shared sovereignty is being pursued, and the micro-region of Wallis and Futuna—a territory with less than 10 000 inhabitants in total.

While France struggled with the premises of de-colonisation in the fifties, it also started to take initiatives in the field of European integration—initiatives that are far better known today than its colonial history, to French citizens and foreigners alike. The old rhetoric opposing popular sovereignty to national sovereignty finds an echo in two opposed conceptions of French policy with regard to European integration.

[page 270]

The more intergovernmental tendency, initiated by Charles De Gaulle as soon as he returned to government in June 1958, was labelled by De Gaulle himself as ‘Europe of the Fatherlands’ (l’Europe des patries) or even sometimes as ‘Europe of the Nations’ (l’Europe des nations).

[page 276]

The most recent French debate on sovereignty addresses the notion of shared sovereignty. This concept is heavily criticised in much legal doctrine as being contradictory in terms, due to the fact that sovereignty—like the French Republic—is one and indivisible (une et indivisible); [...]

[...]

While some authors like Jean Gicquel42 retain the idea of a dual constitution and others like Henri Oberdorff43 insist on the notion of state membership of a larger polity, it is however striking that neither notion has generated deep discussion, let alone a solid corpus of doctoral research. [...]

[...] The concept of ‘shared sovereignty’ appeared first in the Noumea Agreements (Accords de Nouméa) of 5 May 1998, which were signed by the representatives of the indigenous Kanak population of New Caledonia, those of the descendants of European settlers (so called ‘caldoches’) and the French government. The agreements provided for a new form of autonomy for New Caledonia, which includes the creation of a double citizenship—French citizenship plus Caledonian citizenship—for natives and settlers as well as the possibility for Caledonian institutions to

[page 277]

adopt ‘laws of the land’ (lois de pays). [...] While shared sovereignty has formally become part of French constitutional vocabulary by virtue of the reference to the Noumea agreements in Article 76 of the Constitution, a number of academics45—quite opposed to the evolution in New Caledonia—still consider this concept as totally meaningless, whereas a few others—including myself46—welcome the potential of an idea which helps to explain and to guide European integration as well as the evolution of state forms away from a unitary model in a growing number of national jurisdictions.


45 See amongst others the contributions by Alain Moyrand, p. 29 and ff, Olivier Gohin, p. 387 and ff or Mathias Ghauchat, p. 411 and ff in Faberon and Agniel, cit., p. 447-58.

46 See Jacques Ziller, ‘Partager la souveraineté, ici et ailleurs’ in Faberon and Agniel, cit., p. 447-58.

Anmerkungen

The source is given in fn. 253 and 255.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), Graf Isolan

[90.] Ama/Fragment 094 101 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 4. September 2017, 15:17 Klgn
Erstellt: 28. April 2017, 19:55 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, COM 2006 549 final, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite(n): 3, Zeilen: 101 ff.
330 The Accession Treaty consists of the Treaty between all Current Member States and Bulgaria and Romania, the Protocol concerning the conditions and arrangements for admission of both countries and the Act concerning the conditions of accession and the adjustment of Treaties on which the Union is founded. 1 The Accession Treaty consists of the Treaty between all current member states and Bulgaria and Romania, the Protocol concerning the conditions and arrangements for admission of both countries and the Act concerning the conditions of accession and the adjustment of Treaties on which the Union is founded.
Anmerkungen

The source is given in the next footnote, but there is no indication that footnote 330 is taken verbatim from it.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, (Hindemith)

[91.] Ama/Fragment 090 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 3. September 2017, 01:34 Hindemith
Erstellt: 8. June 2017, 08:34 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Smith 2006

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Quelle: Smith 2006
Seite(n): 104, Zeilen: 24-31
[Four newly independent countries — Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Slovenia — could not reasonably be left out of the process and] in December 1994, the European Council affirmed that these four countries met the conditions for Europe Agreements and would thus be formally included in the membership queue. All ten CEEC applied for membership between 1994 and 1996. In June 1994, the Corfu European Council also extended membership invitations to Malta and the Republic of Cyprus. Four newly independent countries — Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Slovenia — could not reasonably be left out of the process and, in December 1994, the European Council affirmed that these four countries met the conditions for Europe agreements and would thus be formally included in the membership queue. All ten CEECs applied for membership between 1994 and 1996. In June 1994, the Corfu European Council also extended membership invitations to Malta and the Republic of Cyprus.
Anmerkungen

Continuation from the previous page. The source is not given.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), WiseWoman, Hindemith

[92.] Ama/Fragment 029 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 3. September 2017, 00:54 Hindemith
Erstellt: 4. June 2017, 18:37 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Archick 2005, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Quelle: Archick 2005
Seite(n): 1, Zeilen: 22 ff.
[Since the 1950s, this European integration process has expanded into other fields such as economic sectors, a customs] union, and a single market in which goods, services, people and capital move freely, a common agricultural policy, and a common currency (the Euro). Over the last decade, EU Member States have taken significant steps toward political integration as well, with decisions to develop a common foreign policy and closer police and judicial cooperation. Since the 1950s, this European integration project has expanded to encompass other economic sectors, a customs union, a single market in which goods, people, and capital move freely, a common agricultural policy, and a common currency (the euro). Over the last decade, EU member states have taken significant steps toward political integration as well, with decisions to develop a common foreign policy and closer police and judicial cooperation.
Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), Hindemith

[93.] Ama/Fragment 124 13 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 2. September 2017, 20:26 Hindemith
Erstellt: 12. May 2017, 06:28 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Fragment, Fride 2007, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Seite: 124, Zeilen: 13-28, 34-35
Quelle: Fride 2007
Seite(n): 2, Zeilen: left col.: 20 ff.
The EU has been involved in the process of institution building in the region since 1999, through the Stabilization and Association Process. While, for Kosovo, it was unacceptable to be integrated into the instruments of Serbia or of any other country in the region, it was decided in 2002 that Kosovo would be set on a separate route towards EU membership, given the uncertainties surrounding Kosovo's final status and its unique set of challenges associated with the progress towards EU accession. A parallel forum to the regular SAP, namely the Stability and Association Process Tracking Mechanism (STM), was thus created in November 2002. Commission officials, UNMIK415 and Kosovo's government officials have since met on a regular basis to discuss progress and compliance with the Copenhagen Criteria and the SAP. This process has also involved the inclusion of two separate budget lines within CARDS, the Commission's main aid instrument for the Balkans.

The STM, together with Annual Progress Report, are the two key instruments that the EU has in place to monitor progress in Kosovo, and have involved regular meetings between European officials and local authorities. While contractual relations with Kosovo were not possible till the final definition of the status of Kosovo, now Kosovo has done its part, and this was recognized by the majority of the Member States of the EU. [...]

Both European and local authorities have been undertaking the preparatory work for possible accession. Progress made thus far include that Kosovo's institutions [in August 2006 have adopted the Kosovo's Action Plan for the implementation of the European Partnership, which replaced the previous action plan.416]


415 UNMIK’s activities were organized around pillars: Police and Justice, Civil Administration and Reconstruction and Economic Development which was administered by the EU. After the declaration of independence the UN presence in Kosovo is in the process of reconfiguration while there is no need any longer for such broad presence of the UN in Kosovo.

416 Kosovo Action Plan for the Implementation of European Partnership 2006, available on: http://www.unmikonline.org/eu/epap.html, last visited 23 January 2009.

• The EU has also been involved in the process of institution building in the region since 1999 through the Stability and Association process (SAP). Rather than integrating Kosovo into Serbia’s SAP, it was decided in 2002 that Kosovo would be set on a separate route towards EU membership, given the uncertainty surrounding Kosovo’s final status and its unique set of challenges associated with progress towards EU accession. A parallel forum to the regular SAP, namely the Stability and Association Process Tracking Mechanism (STM), was thus created in November 2002. Commission officials, UNMIK and Kosovo’s provisional institutions have since meet on a regular basis to discuss progress and compliance with the Copenhagen criteria and the SAP. This process has also involved the inclusion of two separate budget lines within CARDS, the Commission’s main aid instrument for the Balkans.

• The STM together with the Annual Progress Report are the two key instruments that the EU has in place to monitor progress in Kosovo, and have involved regular meetings between European officials and local authorities. While contractual relations with Kosovo are not possible until a decision on final status is made, both European and local authorities have been undertaking the preparatory work for possible accession. Progress made thus far includes the adoption by UNMIK and Kosovo’s institutions in August 2006 of Kosovo’s Action Plan for the Implementation of the European Partnership, which replaces the previous action plan for the implementation of the European Partnership and the Kosovo Standards Implementation Plan (KSIP).3


3 UNMIK, ‘Kosovo Action Plan for the Implementation of European Partnership 2006,’ Available at http://www.unmikonline.org/eu/epap.html [Accessed on April 10, 2007].

Anmerkungen

The source is not given. The next page is also taken from this source.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), WiseWoman, Hindemith

[94.] Ama/Fragment 112 14 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 25. August 2017, 19:50 Hindemith
Erstellt: 27. April 2017, 20:44 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Toal et al 2006, Verschleierung

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Seite: 112, Zeilen: 14-21
Quelle: Toal et al 2006
Seite(n): 63, Zeilen: 2 ff.
Administratively weak at the centre and politically polarized by ethno-territorial governance, the Dayton Agreement ended the Bosnian War, but at the price of systematic dysfunctionality and incoherence. Written in English by American lawyers seeking agreement among the warring parties and signed abroad by international and regional powers, the Dayton Agreement was an imposed and bitter peace to most Bosnians and Herzegovinians, one with little local ownership and no democratic mandate. Administratively weak at the center and politically polarized by ethnoterritorial governance, the DPA ended the Bosnian war but at the price of systemic dysfunctionality and incoherence. Written in English by American lawyers seeking agreement among the warring parties and signed abroad by international and regional powers, the DPA was an imposed and bitter peace to most Bosnians and Herzegovinians, one with little local ownership and no democratic mandate.6

6 [...]

Anmerkungen

The source has not been mentioned anywhere.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, (Hindemith)

[95.] Ama/Fragment 105 15 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 25. August 2017, 19:46 Hindemith
Erstellt: 25. April 2017, 23:56 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung, Xhaferaj 2002

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Seite(n): 44, Zeilen: 18-24
On the other hand, American policy, initially leaving the conflict in former Yugoslavia to the Europeans, gradually started to take the initiative and finally became the most important player in solving the security problems in the Balkans.

[...] At the same time, Europe was swept by huge waves of refugees, transferring parts of security problems out of the Balkan region itself. Although initially there was a belief that it would not happen, this transfer of crisis and its consequences had a significant impact on European security as well, which led to more prompt European reaction towards stabilization of the situation.

Second, Europe was swept by a huge wave of refugees, which transferred parts of the security problems out of the Balkan region itself. It is understandable that this transfer of crises and its impact on Europian security led to a more timely European reaction towards stabilization of the situation.128

Furthermore, American policy, initially leaving the resolution of the conflict in former Yugoslavia to the Europeans, gradually started to take over the initiative and finally became the key factor in solving the security problems in the Balkans.

Anmerkungen

No source given; nothing has been marked as a citation.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02, Hindemith

[96.] Ama/Fragment 051 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 17. August 2017, 10:21 PlagProf:-)
Erstellt: 6. June 2017, 10:17 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Chalmers et al 2006, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Seite(n): 26, Zeilen: 21 ff.
The institutional balance within each pillar was, however very different. The European Parliament and the Court of Justice were only nominally associated with either the second or the third pillar. The institutional balance within each pillar was, however, very different. The Parliament and the Court of Justice were only minimally associated with either the second or third pillars. 71

71 For a recent reassertion of this see Case C-160/03 Spain v Eurojust, judgment of 15 March 2005.

Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), PlagProf:-)

[97.] Ama/Fragment 050 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 17. August 2017, 10:20 PlagProf:-)
Erstellt: 22. April 2017, 02:41 (Hindemith)
Ama, Chalmers et al 2006, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite: 50, Zeilen: 1-10
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Seite(n): 25, Zeilen: 14 ff.
[In 1985 and 1990, two agreements were signed at Schengen, in Luxembourg, between all the Member States, excluding Ireland and the United] Kingdom.204 These conventions provided for the abolition of frontier checks between the parties and a common external frontier. To realize this, the 1990 Convention provided for intergovernmental cooperation in the fields of migration of non-EU nationals, crime and policing. Whilst many Member States wanted to see this brought within the EC framework, the British, Irish, Greeks and Danes were adamant that this was an area where the national veto should be maintained.

The Union was, therefore, to be composed of three pillars. The first is that of the European Community, the second, that of Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and the third, Justice and Home Affairs (JHA).


204 Agreement between the Governments of the States of the Benelux Economic Union, the Federal Republic of Germany and the French Republic on the gradual abolition of checks at their common borders, OJ L 239, 22.9.2000, 13-18; Convention implementing the Schengen Agreement of 14 June 1985 between the Governments of the States of the Benelux Economic Union, the Federal Republic of Germany and the French Republic on the gradual abolition of checks at their common borders, OJ L 239, 22.9.2000, 19-62.

In 1985 and 1990, two agreements were signed at Schengen, in Luxembourg, between all the Member States, excluding Ireland and the United Kingdom.68 These Conventions provided for the abolition of frontier checks between parties and a common external frontier. To realise this, the 1990 Convention provided for intergovernmental cooperation in the fields of migration of non-EU nationals, crime and policing. Whilst many Member States wanted to see this brought within the EC framework, the British, Irish, Greeks and Danes were adamant that this was an area where the national veto should be maintained.

The Union was, therefore, to be composed of three pillars. The first is that of the European Community, the second, that of Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the third, Justice and Home Affairs (JHA).69


68 This is now to be found at OJ 2000, L239/19. Iceland and Norway are also associated members.

69 Allegedly, the idea was first suggested by a French negotiator, Pierre de Boissieu, and was constructed around the metaphor of a temple based on three pillars, Middlemas, above n. 39, 188.

Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[98.] Ama/Fragment 129 24 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 16. August 2017, 15:22 Schumann
Erstellt: 30. April 2017, 21:02 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, House of Commons 2007, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Seite: 129, Zeilen: 24-32
Quelle: House of Commons 2007
Seite(n): 21, Zeilen: 8 ff.
Apart from consolidating enlargement, advocating greater conditionality and highlighting the need to communicate with public, crucially the new enlargement strategy of the EU places a far greater emphasis than before on what it calls the EU's "absorption" - or as it has now been renamed "integration capacity". The Commission notes that "the EU's absorption capacity is determined by the development of the EU's policies and institutions, and by the transformation of applicants into well-prepared Member States. The capacity of would-be members to accede to the Union is rigorously assessed by the Commission on the basis of strict conditionality. Integration capacity is about whether the EU [can take in new members at a given moment or in a given period, without jeopardizing the political and policy objectives established by the Treaties".426]

426 European Commission, Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2006-2007, including annexed Special Report on the EU's Capacity to integrate New Members, COM(2006) 649 final, 8.11.2006, p. 23.

Apart from consolidating enlargement, advocating greater conditionality and highlighting the need to communicate with the public, crucially the strategy places a far greater emphasis than before on what it calls the EU’s ‘absorption’ - or as it has now been renamed – ‘integration capacity’. The Commission notes
The EU’s absorption capacity, or rather integration capacity, is determined by the development of the EU's policies and institutions, and by the transformation of applicants into well-prepared Member States. The capacity of would-be members to accede to the Union is rigorously assessed by the Commission on the basis of strict conditionality. Integration capacity is about whether the EU can take in new members at a given moment or in a given period, without jeopardizing the political and policy objectives established by the Treaties. 38

37 ‘Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2006-2007, Including Annexed Special Report on the EU’s Capacity to Integrate New Members’, European Commission, COM(2006) 649, 8 November 2006, p23

38 Ibid p.17

Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

Note that the page number for the reference has been copied incorrectly. The quote from the Communication from the Commision appears on p. 17, not p. 23. Ama adds two small mistakes: the quote begins with "The", not "the", and the subtitle of the Communication begins with "Including", not "including".

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow, PlagProf:-)

[99.] Ama/Fragment 013 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 16. August 2017, 15:04 PlagProf:-)
Erstellt: 25. April 2017, 19:04 (Hindemith)
Ama, Chalmers et al 2006, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 13, Zeilen: 1-19
Quelle: Chalmers et al 2006
Seite(n): 4, 5, 6, Zeilen: 4: 23 ff.; 5: 5 ff.; 6: 12 ff.
[The establishment of the modern nation-state consolidated power in centralized,] impersonal bureaucracies and led to certain core policies — such as tax, law and order and foreign policy — being exclusive competencies of these bureaucracies.46 This hegemony of the nation-state over political life led to Europe acquiring new associations in the eighteen [sic] and nineteen [sic] centuries.

Authors such as Rousseau and Kant saw Europe as an expression of certain ideals: be it social contract between nations, in the case of Rousseau, or as a form of perpetual peace, according to Kant. The unification of different regions within the nation-state led to its being perceived increasingly as a unitary political community. No such development occurred with regard to the idea of Europe. When independent proposals for a 'United Europe' emerged at the end of seventeen [sic] century,47 they were still firmly confederal in nature. A more far-reaching proposal was put forward by John Bellers in 1710. Bellers proposed a cantonal system based upon Swiss model. The first proposal suggesting a Europe in which the state system, within which there was a sovereign central body, came from a Frenchman, Saint-Simon, in a pamphlet published in 1814, entitled Plan for Reorganization of European Society.

The role of the USA in two World Wars, the Cold War, and in the regeneration of Europe after the Second World War have heavily influenced European Identity.48


46 C. Tilli [sic], The Formation of Nation-State [sic] in Europe [sic], Princeton, NJ 1975; G. Poggi, The Development of the Modern State: A Sociological Introduction, Stanford, CA 1978; M. Mann, The Autonomous Power of the State: Its Origins, Merchants [sic] and Results, 1984 European Journal of Sociology 185; H. Spryet [sic], The Sovereign State and its Competitors: an Analysis of System [sic] Change, Princeton, NJ 1994.

47 Penn, William, An Essay towards the Present and Future of Peace of Europe, London 1693.

48 G. Delanty, Inventing Europe: Idea, Identity, Reality, Basingstoke 1995, pp. 115-155.

The establishment of the modern nation-state consolidated power in centralised, impersonal bureaucracies and led to certain core policies, such as tax, law and order and foreign policy, being the exclusive competence of these bureaucracies.4 This hegemony of the nation-state over political life led to Europe acquiring new associations in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. [...] Authors such as Rousseau and Kant saw Europe as an expression of certain ideals: be it a social contract between nations, in the case of Rousseau, or as a form of perpetual peace, according to Kant.

[page 5]

The role of the USA in two World Wars, the Cold War, and in the regeneration of Europe after the Second World War, heavily influenced European identity.6

[page 6]

The unification of different regions within the nation-state led to its being perceived increasingly as a unitary political community. No such development occurred with regard to the idea of Europe. When independent proposals for a ‘united Europe' emerged at the end of the seventeenth century, they were still firmly confederal in nature. [...] A more far-reaching proposal was put forward by John Bellers in 1710. Bellers proposed a cantonal system based upon the Swiss model whereby Europe would be divided into 100 cantons, each of which would be required to contribute to a European army and send representatives to a European Senate.

The first proposal suggesting a Europe in which the state system was to be replaced by a system within which there was a sovereign central body, came from the Frenchman, Saint-Simon. In a pamphlet published in 1814, entitled Plan for the Reorganisation of the European Society, Saint-Simon took a romanticised view of the Middle Ages, which he considered to have been disrupted by the religious wars.


4 C. Tilly (ed.), The Formation of Nation-States [sic] in Europe [sic] (Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 1975); G. Poggi, The Development of the Modern State: A Sociological Introduction (Stanford, CA, Stanford University Press, 1978); M. Mann, ‘The Autonomous Power of the State: its Origins, Mechanisms and Results’ (1984) 25 European Journal of Sociology 185; H. Spruyt, The Sovereign State and its Competitors: an Analysis of Systems Change (Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 1994).

6 G. Delanty, Inventing Europe: Idea, Identity, Reality (Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1995) 115-55.

Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned. Ama copies mistakes from the source: the correct title of the volume edited by Charles Tilly is "Formation of national States in Western Europe". Ama adds additional mistakes.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, PlagProf:-)

[100.] Ama/Fragment 010 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 16. August 2017, 14:49 PlagProf:-)
Erstellt: 3. June 2017, 05:41 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, House of Commons 2007, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 10, Zeilen: 1-15
Quelle: House of Commons 2007
Seite(n): 3, Zeilen: 16 ff.
Consequently, the enlargement strategy, published in 2006,41 contained a subtle, but highly significant, shift in policy. The accession process was now to be linked to 'consolidation' and the 'integration capacity' of the EU. This did not undermine the EU's commitment to honour existing obligations. However, candidates were concerned that, under the new strategy, successful implementation of reforms per se may not be sufficient to secure membership. The British Government is a strong supporter of enlargement. It has consistently argued that enlargement is in the strategic interest of UK and the EU. Following the EU's change in strategy, the UK cautioned against the erection of barriers designed to impede enlargement:42

The EU remains publicly committed to offering the Western Balkans EU membership, but the situation is precarious. Any further enlargement is dependent upon institutional reform of the EU, which is now tied to the Constitution. This could cause significant delays, because there is still no agreement on how to proceed with the Constitution.


41 European Commission, EU Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2006-2007 including special report on the EU's capacity to integrate new members, COM(2006) 604 final.

42 House of Lords, Select Committee on the European Union, The Further Enlargement of the EU: follow-up Report, 24th Report of the Session 2006-07, 23 July 2007, p.7.

Consequently, the enlargement strategy published in 2006 contained a subtle, but highly significant, shift in policy. Accession is now linked to ‘consolidation’ and the ‘integration capacity’ of the EU. This does not undermine the EU’s commitment to honour existing obligations. However, candidates are concerned that under the new strategy successful implementation of reforms may not be sufficient to secure membership.

[...]

The British Government is a strong supporter of enlargement. It has consistently argued that enlargement is in the strategic interests of the UK and the EU. Following the EU’s change in strategy, the UK cautioned against the erection of barriers designed to impede enlargement.

The EU remains publicly committed to offering the Western Balkans EU membership, but the situation is precarious. Any further enlargement is dependent upon institutional reform of the EU, which has become tied to the Constitution. This could cause significant delays because there is still no agreement on how to proceed with the Constitution.

Anmerkungen
Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), PlagProf:-)

[101.] Ama/Fragment 128 15 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 16. August 2017, 14:33 PlagProf:-)
Erstellt: 1. May 2017, 06:06 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, House of Commons 2007, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 128, Zeilen: 15-21
Quelle: House of Commons 2007
Seite(n): 12, Zeilen: 24 ff.
After the SAA is signed, the reform process continues on the basis of the obligations contained in it and in a more detailed agreement which is agreed between the EU and each state. This is known as a "European Partnership Agreement". A Partnership Agreement, like an SAA, applies to one country only and is tailored to its specific needs. It includes a list of short and medium term priorities to reform and outlines the financial and technical assistance that the EU will provide to the potential candidate country.422

422 EU Enlargement: the Western Balkan, House of Commons, Library, Research paper 14 March 2007.

After the SAA is signed, the reform process continues on the basis of the obligations contained in it and in a more detailed agreement which is agreed between the EU and each state. This is known as a “European Partnership Agreement”. A Partnership Agreement, like an SAA, applies to one country only and is tailored to its specific needs. It includes a list of short and medium term priorities for reform and outlines the financial and technical assistance that the EU will provide to the potential candidate country.
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[102.] Ama/Fragment 136 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 30. July 2017, 22:12 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 13. June 2017, 08:49 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Calin 2003, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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[An ap-]propriate identification of the challenges to security in the region, supported by well-defined principles of cooperation, is needed to make this endeavour successful. Although the financial efforts made by the European Union in the process of stabilizing the Western Balkans have been impressive, the EU has not yet got a reliable political-military structure in order to effectively manage crisis situations. That is why the decision of the Union to have autonomous decision capability, backed up by military capabilities for action in the field of the Petersburg tasks (as defined in the Amsterdam Treaty), needs to be further developed. [page 18]

An appropriate identification of the challenges to security in the region supported by well-defined principles of cooperation is needed to make this endeavor successful.

[page 36]

Although the financial efforts made by the Union in the process of stabilizing the Balkans have been impressive, the EU has not got yet a reliable political-military structure in order to manage effectively crisis situations. That is why, the decision of the Union to have an autonomous decision capability, backed up by military capabilities for action in the field of the Petersberg tasks (as defined in the Amsterdam Treaty) has to be further supported.

Anmerkungen

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[103.] Ama/Fragment 134 38 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 30. July 2017, 21:51 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 23. April 2017, 12:11 (Hindemith)
Ama, Calin 2003, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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During the East-West confrontation the primary concern of the Western democracies was to keep the bi-polar confrontation stable with the least and at the lowest possible cost. Accordingly, stability was defined mainly in military terms and the means for achieving this goal was security policy, along with arms [and disarmament policies.] During the East-West confrontation the primary concern of the Western democracies was to keep the bi-polar confrontation stable with the least risk and at the lowest possible cost. Accordingly, stability was defined mainly in military and strategic terms and the means for achieving this goal security policy along with arms and disarmament policies.
Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

Note that this passage can be found in the chapter: "Conclusions and Perspectives"

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[104.] Ama/Fragment 106 19 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 28. July 2017, 16:25 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 26. April 2017, 20:23 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Juncos 2005, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Bosnia and Herzegovina has been selected for the "real test" of the first ESDP missions (the first EU Police Mission in January 2003 and the largest military mission, EUFOR — Althea, to date).366

366 The Council of the European Union decided on 12 July 2004, to conduct a military operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Framework of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), see Council Joint Action 2004/570CFSP of 12 July 2004, OJ L 252/10, available on: http://eurlex.europa.eu/pri/en/oj/dat/2004/l_252/l_25220040728en00100014.pdf, last visited on 15 March 2009.

[page 88]

Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereafter BiH) has been selected for the “real test”

[page 89]

of the first ESDP missions (the first ever EU Police Mission in January 2003 and the largest EU military mission, EUFOR-Althea, to date).

Anmerkungen

Continued from above. Nothing has been marked as a citation.

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[105.] Ama/Fragment 101 10 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 26. July 2017, 05:50 Klgn
Erstellt: 29. April 2017, 06:01 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Kopper 2008, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Quelle: Kopper 2008
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The everyday lives of European citizens have, for a fairly long time, been increasingly taking place in a European dimension, especially since the Euro became the currency in most EU Member States. This dimension is observable in daily life as its scope ranges from work training, sport and leisure to science and research. For me, the most impressive thing to notice when you visit a European capital is that you can hear and see how the melting of European borders has led to a new dynamism, to increased exchange and to new creative horizons. This kind of "Europeanization" has to go on and must have an impact in other important areas too, particularly in decisive sectors such as health, the environment and the working world. In the process, you can't afford to lose sight of the fact that Europe's most important raw materials are creativity, intelligence geared towards the future, innovation and the ability to be inventive.356

356 Published in Deutsche Welle, on 29 August 2008 as "Creativity Europe's Biggest Asset", available on: http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,,3519249,00.html, last visited on 19 January 2009.

The everyday lives of European citizens have, for a fairly long time, been increasingly taking place in European dimensions, at the latest since the euro has become the currency in most EU member states.

That may not necessarily be observable in daily life but it holds true in areas ranging from work and training, sport and leisure to science and research. The most impressive thing is to notice it when you visit a European capital. You can hear and see how a melting of European borders has led to a new dynamism, to increased exchange and to new creative horizons.

This kind of "Europe-ization" has to go on and must have an impact in other important areas too, particularly in decisive sectors such as health, environment and the working world. In the process, you can't afford to lose sight of the fact that Europe's most important raw materials are creativity, intelligence geared towards the future, innovation and the ability to be inventive.

Anmerkungen

The source is given, but nothing has been marked as a citation. "Published in" might indicate a literal quote, but the extent of the copied text is not made clear. The source was published on 29 July 2008, according to the web site, and not 29 August 2008.

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[106.] Ama/Fragment 090 24 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 25. July 2017, 21:37 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 29. April 2017, 07:46 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Marktler 2006, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Seite(n): 343, 344, Zeilen: 343: 11 ff.; 344: 14 ff.
With the fall of the Berlin Wall on 9 November 1989, the end of the Cold War had begun. Faced with the imminent collapse of communism, many CEEC countries had to reorient themselves. On the one hand, history clearly showed them that the communist system did not work; on the other hand, there existed a European Community of twelve Member States, offering the former communist countries the possibility of transforming themselves into democratic states with a free market economy. This represented not only an attractive opportunity, but also a huge challenge for all involved.

The European Council summit in Copenhagen was dedicated to the CEEC. First of all, the efforts undertaken by the associated countries to modernize their economies were praised. The EU and all its Member States supported this reform process, which was aimed at a rapid transition to a market economy.

I. Introduction

With the fall of Berlin Wall on 9 November 1989, the end of the Cold War had begun. Faced with the imminent collapse of communism, many Central and Eastern European countries had to reorient themselves. On the one hand, past history clearly showed them that the communist system did not work; on the other, there existed a European Community of twelve member states, offering the former communist countries the possibility of transforming themselves into democratic states with a free market economy. This represented not only an attractive opportunity, but also a big challenge for all involved. [...]

[page 344]

[...] The European Council summit in Copenhagen was dedicated to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. First of all, the efforts undertaken by the associated countries to modernise their economies were praised: “Peace and security in Europe depend on the success of those efforts”.6 The European Community and all its Member States supported this reform process, which was aimed at a rapid transition to a market economy.


6 European Council in Copenhagen, Conclusions of the Presidency, (21-22 June 1993, SN 180/1/93) 12.

Anmerkungen

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[107.] Ama/Fragment 100 10 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 25. July 2017, 21:28 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 29. April 2017, 06:31 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Toonen et al 2005, Verschleierung

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Many explanations have been offered to clarify the actual outcome. The European Commission was among the first to produce some findings in the form of a Flash Eurobarometer.354 The survey concluded that, as was the case in France and Spain, younger voters were less mobilized to vote than the older population. Also, the younger the voter, the more he or she was opposed to the TCE. Over half (54 %) of Dutch citizens aged 18 to 24 did not vote, and almost 50 % in the category aged 25 to 39 abstained. Manual workers and the self-employed were more likely to abstain than other occupational groups, and people living in rural areas had a lower rate of abstention (31 %) than those living in small or large towns. People claiming that they did not have the necessary information to make a choice were far more likely to have abstained (41 %) than those who felt sufficient informed before they actually voted on the TCE. A majority (51 %) of those voting "Yes" felt they had all necessary information to make a decision, while among those who voted "No" a majority of 54 % claimed that they were not sufficiently informed.

354 Eurobarometer, The European Constitution: Post-referendum survey in the Netherlands, Flash Eurobarometer, Fieldwork 02/04 June 2005, published, June 2005.

Many explanations have been offered to clarify the actual outcome. The European Commission was among the first to produce some findings in the form of a Flash

[page 602]

Eurobarometer.7 The survey concluded that, as was the case in France and Spain, younger voters were less mobilised to vote than the older population. Also, the younger the voter, the more he or she was opposed to the Constitution. Over half (54%) of Dutch citizens aged 18 to 24 did not vote, and almost 50 % in the category aged 25 to 39 abstained. Manual workers and the self-employed were more likely to abstain than were other occupational groups, and people living in rural areas had a lower rate of abstention (31 %) than those living in small or large towns. People claiming that they did not have the necessary information to make a choice were far more likely to have abstained (41 %) than those who felt sufficiently informed. One in two voters indicated that they did not feel sufficiently informed before they actually voted on the Constitution. A majority (51 %) of those voting yes felt they had all the necessary information to make a decision, while among those who voted no a majority of 54 % claimed that they were not sufficiently informed.


7 Eurobarometer: The European Constitution: Post-referendum Survey in the Netherlands, Brussels, 2005 (Flash Eurobarometer 172).

Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

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[108.] Ama/Fragment 102 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 19. July 2017, 21:14 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 9. June 2017, 06:02 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Murphy 2006, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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[For moral] and practical reasons, the core countries of the EU saw no choice but to bring their Central and Eastern European neighbours into the framework of European integration. In the process, the very nature of the EU had to change. From the perspective of just over almost five years, we can only grasp some aspects of that change. It seems increasingly clear, however, that the change is not a minor one. For moral and practical reasons, the core countries of the EU saw no alternative but to bring their central and eastern European neighbors into the framework of European integration. In the process, the very nature of the EU had to change. From the perspective of just over two years out, we can only grasp some aspects of that change. It seems increasingly clear, however, that the change is not a minor one.
Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

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[109.] Ama/Fragment 111 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 13. July 2017, 17:20 Klgn
Erstellt: 27. April 2017, 19:36 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Bowman 2002, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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[While steadfastly refusing to contribute ground forces to the UN Protection Force (UNPROFOR) in Bosnia,] the Clinton administration, beginning in February, maintained a commitment to provide them to oversee implementation of an overall peace settlement. With the 1994 peace negotiated at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base in Dayton OH, administration officials began to lay out their rationale and initial planning for U.S. participation in a NATO-led peace implementation force (IFOR) for Bosnia. Administration officials argued the U.S participation with ground forces was necessary for two main reasons: 377

— The Bosnian, Croatian and Serbs [sic] negotiators all made U.S ground force participation a condition of their accepting any peace settlement; and

— U.S participation was necessary for the United States to maintain a leadership position in NATO. President Clinton subsequently emphasized a moral responsibility to avoid [sic!] ending the savagery of the Bosnian war.

On 14 December 1995, the Presidents of Bosnia, Croatia, and Serbia signed a peace agreement in Paris. In brief, the military elements of the agreement, in addition to establishing IFOR and granting it full authority and freedom of movement to enforce the agreement, called for:

— withdrawal of forces behind cease-fire lines 30 days with a demilitarised zone (DMZ) of four kilometres;

— withdrawal of heavy weapons and personnel to barracks;

— provisions of information on personnel, weaponry, and landmines;

— arms reductions under the auspices of the Organization for Cooperation and Security in Europe (OSCE).

All these objectives have been completed, with the exception of the arms reduction process which the OSCE continues to oversee.

To enforce the military provisions of the Dayton agreements, NATO sent the Intervention Force (IFOR) which comprised approximately 54,000 ground troops in Bosnia proper. That force lasted until 20 December 1996, when it was changed to the Stabilization Force (SFOR). This reflected the division amongst NATO's members that the Bosnia deployment should not have a specified end-date, but rather that its duration would be tied to successful accomplishment of Dayton Peace Accord provisions. Though SFOR, the operation has UN Security Council authorization.


377 CRS Issues, Brief for Congress, Bosnia: U.S. Military Operations, updated 8 July 2003, Order Code IB93056.

While steadfastly refusing to contribute ground forces to UN Protection Force (UNPROFOR) in Bosnia, the Clinton Administration, beginning in February 1993, maintained a commitment to provide them to oversee implementation of an overall peace settlement. With the 1994 peace negotiations at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base in Dayton OH, Administration officials began to lay out their rationale and initial planning for U.S. participation in a NATO-led peace implementation force (IFOR) for Bosnia. Administration officials argued that U.S. participation with ground forces was necessary for two main reasons: 1) the Bosnian, Croatian, and Serb negotiators all made U.S. ground force participation a condition of their accepting any peace settlement; and 2) U.S. participation was necessary for the United States to maintain a leadership position in NATO. President Clinton subsequently emphasized a moral responsibility to aid in ending the savagery of the Bosnian conflict.

On December 14, 1995, the Presidents of Croatia, Bosnia, and Serbia signed a peace agreement in Paris. In brief, the military elements of the agreement, in addition to establishing IFOR and granting it full authority and freedom of movement to enforce the agreement, calls for: 1) withdrawal of forces behind cease-fire lines within 30 days, with a demilitarized zone (DMZ) of four kilometers; 2) withdrawal of heavy weapons and personnel to barracks; 3) provision of information on personnel, weaponry, and landmines; 4) arms reduction negotiations under the auspices of the Organization for Cooperation and Security in Europe (OSCE). All these objectives have been completed, with the exception of the arms reduction process which the OSCE continues to oversee.

To enforce the military provisions of the Dayton agreements, NATO sent the Intervention Force or (IFOR), which comprised approximately 54,000 ground troops in

[page 2]

Bosnia proper. That force designation and lasted until December 20, 1996, when it was changed to Stabilization Force (SFOR). This reflected the decision by NATO’s members that the Bosnia deployment should not have a specified end-date, but rather that its duration would be tied to successful accomplishment of Dayton Peace Accord provisions. Though the SFOR operations have U.N. Security Council authorization, there is no “dual-key” command relationship with the United Nations.

Anmerkungen

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[110.] Ama/Fragment 116 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. July 2017, 20:35 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 10. June 2017, 16:39 (SleepyHollow02)
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[In other words, the EU is pursuing democracy, human rights and multilateralism in order] to achieve other regional goals.393 Therefore, the EU’s foreign policy is still a self-interested foreign policy.

393 Regional stability and security.

In other words, the EU is pursuing democracy, human rights and multilateralism in order to achieve other goals (regional stability and security). Therefore, the EU’s foreign policy is still a self-interested foreign policy.
Anmerkungen

Continuation from the previous page.

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[111.] Ama/Fragment 115 31 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. July 2017, 20:33 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 26. April 2017, 21:03 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Juncos 2005, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Yet, to be sure, the EU is not an altruist [sic] actor when promoting democracy, human rights and rule of law worldwide, it is just making short term sacrifices to achieve long-term gains. In other words, the EU is pursuing democracy, human rights and multilateralism in order [to achieve other regional goals.393]

393 Regional stability and security.

Yet, to be sure, the EU is not an altruistic actor when promoting democracy, human rights and rule of law worldwide; it is just making short-term sacrifices to achieve long-term gains. In other words, the EU is pursuing democracy, human rights and multilateralism in order to achieve other goals (regional stability and security).
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[112.] Ama/Fragment 115 11 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. July 2017, 20:26 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 26. April 2017, 20:51 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Juncos 2005, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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X. Preliminary Conclusion: Stabilization Process and Future Perspective

After the end of the war in Kosovo, and after Slovenia already gained the membership of the EU, the prospect of the possible future membership for the countries of the Western Balkan was endorsed by the European Council in Feira390 in June 2000 and reconfirmed by the European Council in Thessaloniki in June 2003. The criteria and the process which were established followed the strategy used in the recent enlargements to the CEEC: ownership of the "regatta principle"391 and conditionality. To the political, economic, and institutional criteria established by the Copenhagen European Council in 1993 and set out in Article 6 and 49 of the TEU, the SAP392 has added some specific criteria for the countries of the Western Balkan:

- full cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY),

- respect for human and minority rights,

- the creation of real opportunities for refugees and internally displaced persons to return, and

- visible commitment to regional cooperation.


390 See more on this regard on the Part F, chapter 3.

391 Each country proceeds towards membership in its own merits and in its own speed.

392 Stabilization and Association Process set fourth [sic] only for the countries of the countries [sic] of the region.

The prospect of future membership for the countries of the Western Balkans, including BiH, was endorsed by the European Council in Feira in June 2000 and reconfirmed by the European Council in Thessaloniki in June 2003. The criteria and the process which were established followed the strategy used in the recent enlargement to the Central and Eastern European countries: ownership or the “regatta principle” (each country proceeds towards membership on its own merits and at its own speed) and conditionality. To the political, economic and institutional criteria established by the Copenhagen European Council in 1993 and set out in Articles 6 and 49 of the TEU, the SAp has added some specific criteria: full co-operation with the ICTY, respect for human and minority rights, the creation of real opportunities for refugees and internally displaced persons to return, and a visible commitment to regional co-operation (European Commission 2003, 5).

European Commission. 2002. [...]

———. 2003. The Stabilisation and Association process for South East Europe. Second Annual Report, Brussels, 26 March 2003 [COM (2003) 139 final].

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[113.] Ama/Fragment 106 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 8. July 2017, 22:12 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 9. June 2017, 06:44 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Juncos 2005, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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The EU's intervention in BiH, supported by significant economic assistance and using military instruments, has proved essential to endorsing the institution-building process taking place in BiH.364

In the early 1990s, the search for a negotiated solution that could stop the bloody conflict in the Former Yugoslavia was considered by both European and international observers to be the first test for the embryonic Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Consequently, at the beginning of the Yugoslav crisis, the Luxembourg Foreign Minister Jacques Poos, then head of the EC presidency, declared that the organization would intervene in Yugoslavia because it was "the hour of Europe, not the hour of United States". His statement summarized the high expectations among the EC members regarding the CFSP, expectations which made subsequent failure even more painful.365


364 Juncos, Ana, The EU’s post-Conflict Intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina: (re)Integrating the Balkans and/or (re)Inventing EU?,( 2005) 6 Southeast European Politics 88-108.

365 Ibid., pp. 88-108.

The EU’s intervention in BiH, supported by significant economic assistance and using military instruments, has proved essential to endorsing the institutional-building process currently taking place in BiH. [...]

Introduction

In the early 1990s, the search for a negotiated solution that could stop the bloody conflict in the Former Yugoslavia was considered by both European and international observers to be the first test for the embryonic Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Consequently, at the beginning of the Yugoslav crisis, the Luxembourg Foreign Minister Jacques Poos, then head of the EC (European Community) Presidency, declared that the organization would intervene in Yugoslavia because it was “the hour of Europe, not the hour of the United States” (Gordon 1997/1998, 75). His statement summarised the high expectations among EC members regarding the CFSP, expectations which made subsequent failure even more painful.


Gordon, Phillip H., 1997/1998. “Europe’s Uncommon Foreign Policy”, International Security, Vol.22, No. 3, pp. 74-100.

Anmerkungen

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[114.] Ama/Fragment 108 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 6. July 2017, 21:25 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 9. June 2017, 07:44 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Stiglmayer 1994

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[Its members were confronted by the additional problem that Russia, where weapons abound and where strong communist for-]ces were still active, took Serbia's side for historical, religious and ideological reasons.

When the war began in 1991, the UN Security Council at first declared an arms embargo against Yugoslavia. It could not have done the Serbian side a bigger favour, for the Serbs were backed by the Yugoslav Federal Army with its gigantic arms and munitions arsenals, whereas, in the beginning, the Croats and Muslims had no weapons at all. This is the reason why the Serbian army was able to conquer large portions of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. In March 1992, the UN Security Council sent UN soldiers into the former Yugoslavia. Their mandate, however, defined them as "peacekeeping force" and not as "peacemaking force"; this means that they could not use force in any of their activities. And their mere presence did not impressed [sic] anyone.372 Today, the Muslims are crowded into some 15-20 percent of the area of Bosnia and Herzegovina and bewail the loss of 150,000 to 200,000 of their people. For the most part these people did not die from the grenades or bombs, but were deliberately murdered in intentional acts of mass destruction by the Serbian military forces. To distinguish the fact that genocide was occurring, the international community used the term "ethnic cleansing".


371 Stinglmayer, Alexandra, Mass Rape: The war against Women in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Nebraska 1994, p. 22

372 Ibid, p. 23.

Its members are confronted by the additional problem that Russia, where weapons abound and where strong Communist forces are still active, takes Serbia’s side for historical, religious, and ideological reasons. [...]

[page 23]

When the war began in 1991, the UN Security Council at first declared an arms embargo against Yugoslavia. It could not have done the Serbian side a bigger favor, for the Serbs are backed by the Yugoslavian Federal Army with its gigantic arms and munitions arsenals, whereas in the beginning the Croats and Muslims had no weapons at all. This is the reason the Serbian army was able to conquer large portions of Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina.

In March 1992 the UN Security Council sent UN soldiers into the former Yugoslavia. Their mandate, however, defines them as a “peacekeeping force” and not as a “peacemaking force”; this means that they may not use force in any of their activities. And their mere presence has not impressed anyone. [...]

[page 24]

Today the Muslims are crowded together on 15-20 percent of the area of Bosnia-Herzegovina and bewail the loss of 150,000 to 200,000 of their people. For the most part these people did not die from grenades or bombs but were deliberately murdered in intentional acts of mass destruction by the Serbian military forces. To disguise the fact that genocide is occurring, the international community uses the term “ethnic cleansing.”

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[115.] Ama/Fragment 107 16 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 6. July 2017, 21:18 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 25. April 2017, 21:56 (Hindemith)
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Quelle: Stiglmayer 1994
Seite(n): 22, Zeilen: 4-23
The escalation of the war in the former Yugoslavia was the result of an unchecked act of aggression that grew into a campaign of annihilation. A significant share of responsibility for it must be attributed to the international community. When the wars in Slovenia and Croatia began in summer 1991, European Community nations took up the problem almost overzealously. Their efforts were marked by an incorrect assessment of the situation, adherence to historical friendships and alliances (France and Great Britain with Serbia) Germany and Austria with Croatia), and quarrels within their own ranks (reservations about the new Germany after the reunification). Members of the EC could not agree on any concrete measures, and all their attempts at a solution served only to attempt to save face. When the United Nations started discussing military intervention in April 1993, it became clear that Europe was not prepared to act: no European country wanted to participate in military action.371 The initial discussion in the United Nation Security Council, which was called upon to help, took a similar shape. Its members were confronted by the additional problem that Russia, where weapons abound and where strong communist for-[ces were still active, took Serbia's side for historical, religious and ideological reasons.]

371 Stinglmayer [sic], Alexandra, Mass Rape: The war against Women in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Nebraska 1994, p. 22

The escalation of the war in the former Yugoslavia is the result of an unchecked act of aggression that has meanwhile grown into a campaign of annihilation. A significant share of responsibility for it must be attributed to the international community.

When the war in Slovenia and Croatia began in the summer of 1991, European Community nations took up the problem almost overzealously. Their efforts were marked by an incorrect assessment of the situation, adherence to historical friendships and alliances (e.g., France and Great Britain with Serbia, Germany and Austria with Croatia), and quarrels within their own ranks (reservations about the new Germany after reunification). The disunited members of the EC could not agree on any concrete measures, and all their attempts at a solution served only to save face. When the United Nations started discussing military intervention in April 1993, it became clear that Europe is not prepared to act: no European country wants to participate in military action.

The discussion in the United Nations Security Council, which was called upon to help, took a similar shape. Its members are confronted by the additional problem that Russia, where weapons abound and where strong Communist forces are still active, takes Serbia’s side for historical, religious, and ideological reasons.

Anmerkungen

The source is mentioned, but the extent to which text has been copied does not become clear to the reader.

Note that the author of the source is called Alexandra Stiglmayer.

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(Hindemith), WiseWoman

[116.] Ama/Fragment 134 03 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 4. July 2017, 20:53 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 23. April 2017, 13:58 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Pollack 2003, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Quelle: Pollack 2003
Seite(n): 3, Zeilen: 2 ff.
The European Union is composed of its Member States. The governments of those Member States have signed and ratified successive Treaties outlining the objectives and institutions of the Union, starting with the European Coal and Steel Community of 1951 and continuing through creation and institutional elaboration of today's European Union. As in any international organization, Member States of the EU have assigned to themselves the central role in the governance of the Union. Member governments as yet dominate both the European Council — the summit meetings at which the government leaders set the broad strategic directions of the Union — and the Council of Ministers, which historically has been, and remains its pre-eminent legislative body. At the same time, however, the EU's member governments' level created and allocated increasing powers and discretion to a number of supranational institutions, including the European Commission with many executive powers, the European Court of Justice and the European Parliament, which now acts as a co-legislator with the Council in a growing number of areas. Although clearly these supranational institutions possess power and preferences distinct from those of the Member States, further institutional reform is needed. The European Union (EU) is composed of its member states. The governments of those member states have signed and ratified successive Treaties outlining the objectives and institutions of the Union, starting with the European Coal and Steel Community of 1951 and continuing through the creation and institutional elaboration of today’s European Union. As in any international organization, the member governments of the EU have assigned to themselves the central role in the governance of the Union. Member governments dominate both the European Council — the semi-annual summit meetings at which government leaders set the broad strategic direction of the Union — and the Council of Ministers, which has historically been, and remains, its pre-eminent legislative body. At the same time, however, the EU’s member governments have created and allocated increasing powers and discretion to a number of supranational organizations, including the executive Commission, the European Court of Justice (ECJ), and a European Parliament (EP) which now acts as a co-legislator with the Council in a growing number of areas. Although clearly the creation, or agents, of the member governments, these supranational organizations possess powers and preferences distinct from those of their member-state principals, and they have frequently been posited by both practitioners and academic observers as the embodiment of the project of European integration, and indeed as the ‘engines’ or ‘motors’ of the integration process.
Anmerkungen

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Note that this passage can be found in the chapter: "Conclusions and Perspectives"

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[117.] Ama/Fragment 133 28 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 4. July 2017, 20:45 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 23. April 2017, 13:43 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Thiel 2006, Verschleierung

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Over the past 50 years, the European Union and its predecessors have managed to transform the individual and collective identities of Europeans to a dramatic extent. On the basis of a limited common cultural identity, the EU integration served as a transmitter for increased transnational cooperation by moving from economic to political integration, thereby creating a common transnational identification built upon cultural and civic components and reaffirming peaceful ties between Member States. Since the EU is often described as "sui generis" and it is argued that each regional integration experience is unique, questions emerge about how this phenomenon compares to other regional integration efforts in the other parts of Europe, with regards to the common objective of enabling peace-[ful co-existence, and what factors explain and constrain regional transnational identity developments?] Over the past 50 years, the Union has managed to transform the individual and collective identities of Europeans to a quite dramatic extent. On the base of a limited common cultural identity, EU integration served as a transmitter for increased transnational cooperation by moving from economic to political integration, thereby creating a common transnational identification built upon cultural and civic components and reaffirming peaceful ties between member states. Since the EU is often described as ‘sui generis’ and it is argued that each regional integration experience is unique, the questions emerge how does this phenomenon compare to other regional integration efforts in the world with regards to common identification enabling peaceful co-existence, and what factors explain and constrain regional transnational identity developments?
Anmerkungen

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(Hindemith), WiseWoman

[118.] Ama/Fragment 089 28 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 4. July 2017, 20:34 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 22. April 2017, 19:13 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Smith 2006, Verschleierung

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Seite: 89, Zeilen: 28-38
Quelle: Smith 2006
Seite(n): 104, Zeilen: 14 ff.
In June 1993, the Copenhagen European Council finally agreed that enlargement by the CEEC could take place, but it again set conditions. Applicant countries were to have achieved democracy, the rule of law, and protection of human and minority rights, a functioning market economy, and the ability to assume the obligations of the EU membership. The Copenhagen conditions were specified for those countries that had concluded (or were in the process of negotiating) Europe Agreements, which at that time meant six countries: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia. The prospect of enlargement was, on the surface, still relatively contained and manageable, but this could not remain unchanged. Four newly independent countries — Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Slovenia — could not reasonably be left out of the process and [in December 1994, the European Council affirmed that these four countries met the conditions for Europe Agreements and would thus be formally included in the membership queue.] In June 1993, the Copenhagen European Council finally agreed that enlargement to the Central and East European countries could take place, but it again set conditions. Applicant countries were to have achieved a functioning market economy; democracy, the rule of law, and protection of human rights and minorities; and the ability to assume the obligations of EU membership, the acquis communautaire (European Council 1993, 13). The Copenhagen conditions were specified for those countries that had concluded (or were in the process of negotiating) Europe agreements, which at the time meant six countries: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia. The prospect of enlargement was thus still relatively contained and manageable, but could not remain so. Four newly independent countries — Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Slovenia — could not reasonably be left out of the process and, in December 1994, the European Council affirmed that these four countries met the conditions for Europe agreements and would thus be formally included in the membership queue.

European Council (1993) Conclusion of the Presidency, Copenhagen, 23-22 [sic] June, document no. SN 180/93.

Anmerkungen

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(Hindemith), Klgn, WiseWoman

[119.] Ama/Fragment 097 03 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 2. July 2017, 13:04 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 29. April 2017, 04:33 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Piris 2006, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite: 97, Zeilen: 3-28
Quelle: Piris 2006
Seite(n): 43, Zeilen: 43: 11 ff.
During the second half of 2001, the Belgian Presidency decided to work intensively in order to answer the four questions put by the Nice Declaration on the Future of the Union, which were:

- how to establish and monitor a more precise delimitation of the competences between the European Union and its Member States, reflecting the principle of subsidiarity;

- the status to be given to the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Union;

- a simplification of the Treaties with a view to making them clearer and better understood without changing their meaning;

- the role of the national parliaments in the European architecture.

One year after the Nice Declaration in 2000, in December 2001, the European Council adopted the Laeken Declaration.343 This Declaration was adopted against the background of decreasing interest of public opinion in the Member States for European integration. It contained a number of statements such as "the Union needs to become more democratic, more transparent and more efficient"344 and it should resolve "three basic challenges" which are:

- how to organize the European political area in an enlarged Union,

- how to develop the Union into a stabilizing factor, and

- a model in the new, multipolar world.

The declaration went on to list several questions such as: how to clarify, simplify and adjust the division of competences between the Union and the Member States, whether the Union's various instruments should not be better defined and whether their number should not be reduced, how to increase the democratic legitimacy and transparency of the institutions, how to reorganize and simplify the existing Treaties without changing their content and whether this might not lead in the long run to the adoption of a constitutional text in the Union.345


343 See Annex 1 to the Presidency Conclusions of the European Council, Laeken, 14 and 15 December 2001, Doc. SN 300/1/01 REV 1.

344 Ibid.

345 Jean-Claude Piris, The Constitution for Europe. A legal analysis, Cambridge 2006, p. 44.

Box 2.2 The four questions put by the 2000 Nice Declaration on the Future of the Union

(1) How to establish and monitor a more precise delimitation of competences between the European Union and its Member States, reflecting the principle of subsidiarity;

(2) the status to be given to the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Union;

(3) a simplification of the Treaties with a view to making them clearer and better understood without changing their meaning;

(4) the role of national Parliaments in the European architecture.

During the second semester of 2001, the then Belgian Presidency decided to work intensively in order to materialise these four questions and to establish a formal procedure which would be innovative enough to find bold solutions to these questions. [...]

One year after the 2000 Nice Declaration, in December 2001, the European Council adopted the ‘Laeken Declaration’14 (hereafter ‘2001 Laeken Declaration’, named after the castle of the King of the Belgians where the European Council held its meeting). This Declaration was

[page 44]

adopted against the background of a decreasing interest of public opinion in the Member States for European integration. It contained a number of statements such as 'The Union needs to become more democratic, more transparent and more efficient’ and that it should resolve ‘three basic challenges’ which are ‘how to bring citizens ... closer to the European design’, ‘how to organise ... the European political area in an enlarged Union and how to develop the Union into a stabilising factor and a model in the new, multipolar world’.

The Declaration went on to list several questions such as ‘how to clarify, simplify and adjust the division of competence between the Union and the Member States’, ‘whether the Union’s various instruments should not be better defined and whether their number should not be reduced’, how to ‘increase the democratic legitimacy and transparency of the institutions’, how to simplify and reorganise the existing Treaties without changing their content and whether this ‘might not lead in the long run to the adoption of a constitutional text in the Union’.


14 See Annex 1 to Presidency Conclusions of the European Council, Laeken, 14 and 15 December 2001, doc. SN 300/1/01 REV 1 (reproduced below as Annex 1).

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(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[120.] Ama/Fragment 084 05 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 29. June 2017, 21:24 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 29. April 2017, 09:59 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Kaczorowska 2008, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite: 84, Zeilen: 5-26
Quelle: Kaczorowska 2008
Seite(n): 10, Zeilen: 5 ff.
The main objective of the European Atomic Energy Treaty, as indicated in Article 1, was to create "the conditions necessary for the speedy establishment and growth of nuclear energies". The tasks of the EA were laid down in Article 2 that can be summarized as following:

- promotion of research and dissemination of technical information regarding atomic energy,

- promotion of investments,

- equitable supply of ores and nuclear fuels,

- security of nuclear materials,

- international promotion of peaceful uses of nuclear energy, and

- creation of a common market in this area.

The Institutional framework set up by the EA Treaty is identical to that of the EC Treaty. Euratom's main success has been in the area of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. Apart from that, it has no real impact on the nuclear industry, which remains within the national domain of each Member State, or on nuclear research, with the exception of nuclear fusion. Further, the EA Treaty has not evolved in the same way as the EC Treaty. Its fundamental provisions have remained substantially unchanged. As a result, Euratom has many weaknesses.

Its objective of developing nuclear energy has become obsolete given that, of 27 Member States, 11 had never had any nuclear production, Italy has abolished it, and Belgium, Germany, Spain, and Sweden are working on phase-out.301


301 Kaczorowska, Alina, European Union Law, Philadelphia 2009, p. 10.

The main objective of the European Atomic Energy Community Treaty (EA Treaty) (as indicated in Article 1 EA) was to create “the conditions necessary for the speedy establishment and growth of nuclear industries”.19 Its tasks were laid down in Article 2 EA and encompass:

■ The promotion of research and dissemination of technical information regarding atomic energy;

■ The establishment of uniform standards for health and safety;

■ The promotion of investment;

■ The equitable supply of ores and nuclear fuels;

■ The security of nuclear materials;

■ The international promotion of peaceful uses of nuclear energy; and

■ The creation of a common market in this area.

The institutional framework set up by the EA Treaty is identical to that of the EC Treaty. The Euratom’s main success is in the area of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. Apart from that, it has had no real impact on the nuclear industry, which remains within the national domain of each Member State, or on nuclear research, with the exception of nuclear fusion. Further, the EA Treaty has not evolved in the same way as has the EC Treaty. Its fundamental provisions have remained substantially unamended. Its fundamental provisions have remained substantially unamended. As a result, the Euratom suffers many failings:

■ Its objective of developing nuclear energy has become obsolete given that out of 27 Member States 11 never had any nuclear production at all, Italy has abolished it, and Belgium, Germany, Spain and Sweden are working on a phase-out;

Anmerkungen

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[121.] Ama/Fragment 048 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 29. June 2017, 21:03 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 22. April 2017, 08:42 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schilder Hausschild 2005, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Seite: 48, Zeilen: 1-18
Quelle: Schilder Hausschild 2005
Seite(n): 6; 7, Zeilen: 6; r.col: 19ff; 7: r.col: 4ff
Within a short time, the EU became capable of acting. The concrete examples, were - with highest priority being given to the Balkans — Macedonia (2001) first, then Kosovo with the biggest presence ever. Furthermore, the EU engaged widely in the Middle East. It also contributed significantly to the establishment of the so-called "Road Map" and it is a member of the "Quartet". Special Emissaries have been sent to Macedonia, Bosnia, Afghanistan, the Middle East, the Great Lakes region and Southern Caucasus. Thus, the EU is now actively represented in the field regarding critical countries. There is no doubt that the EU has become an active player in the field of foreign and security policy since the beginning of this century.

The European population is backing this process, while non-member countries expect a more active EU role in dealing with conflicts. According to the Eurobarometer,202 the CFSP reaches highest levels relating to the question about in which areas the EU population wants stronger integration. And the EU as a whole — comprising 490 million people with a quarter of global GSP (Gross Social Product) — constitutes the world's largest economic power and represents the most important donor of development aid. The EU has no other choice but to assume global responsibility.


202 Available on: http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/cf/index_en.cfm, last visited on 25 March 2009.

Within a short time, the EU became capable of acting. I would like to draw some concrete examples to mind. The highest political priority was given to the Balkans — Macedonia (2001) and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (2002) are two examples. Furthermore, the EU engaged widely in the Middle East. It also contributed significantly to the establishment of the so-called »Road Map« and is a member of the »quartet« today. Special Emissaries have been sent to Macedonia, Bosnia, Afghanistan, the Middle East, the Great Lakes region and Southern Caucasus. Thus, the EU is now represented in the field regarding critical countries and regions. [...]

[page 7]

So no doubt the EU has become an active player in the field of foreign and security policy since the beginning of this century. The European population is backing this process, while non-member countries expect a more important EU role in dealing with conflicts. According to the Eurobarometer, the CFSP reaches highest levels relating to the question of which policy areas the EU population appreciates a stronger integration in. And as a confederation comprising 450 million people that gains a quarter of global GSP (Gross Social Product), constitutes the world’s largest economic power and represents the most important donor of development aid, the EU has no other choice but to assume global responsibility.

Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned.

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(Hindemith), WiseWoman

[122.] Ama/Fragment 136 11 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 24. June 2017, 20:50 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 22. April 2017, 02:02 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Medved 2001, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 136, Zeilen: 11-34
Quelle: Medved 2001
Seite(n): 23, 24, 35, 36, Zeilen: 23: 6 ff.; 24: 7 ff.; 35: 30 ff.; 36: 1
The current trends mark an era of globalisation where states are fixed in territory and where membership in societies is becoming increasingly mobile, reaching beyond the boundaries of territory, nationality and citizenship. Additional dimensions to the geography of social relations, that globalisation has brought about, have contributed to an era obsessed with questions of individual and collective identity. In most European societies the treatment of the celebrated "other", the other in us, in our midst and the other clamouring at our doors and shores is an issue extremely high on the political and public agenda. It has often been claimed that there is a need for the development of international standards in the field of nationality, and the need for changes in citizenship rules and practices.

Knowledge on nationality and specifically on laws relating to nationality is generally regarded as specialist. Yet, the legal definition of who belongs, on what terms, to political units — most commonly called nation-states — have inevitably, consciously or not, in combination with various other policies and laws, influenced the sense of national identity. But what is "nationality" and what does the "right to" mean? According to the Council of Europe's definition "nationality" means the legal relationship between a person and a State does not indicate the person's ethnic origin".435 Though terms in which policy objectives are cast differ from country to country, as well areas it targets, policy debates and changes are taking place almost everywhere. In the European Union "fair treatment of third country nationals" has been outlined as one of the essential elements of common migration and asylum policy and further elaborated upon in the communication on Community immigration policy.436


435 European Convention on Nationality, 1997: ETS No. 166, Article 2 (a).

436 Communication from the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament on a Community Immigration Policy, COM(2000) 757 final, 22.11.2000.

We live in an era of globalisation where states are fixed in territory and where membership in societies is becoming increasingly mobile, reaching beyond the boundaries of territory, nationality and citizenship. Additional dimensions to the geography of social relations that globalisation has brought about contributed to an era obsessed with questions of individual and collective identity. In most European societies the treatment of the celebrated ‘other’, the other in ourselves, the other in our midst and the other clamouring at our doors and shores is an issue extremely high on the political and public agenda. As indicated in the invitation to the Second European Conference on Nationality, there is a need for the development of international standards in the field of nationality and the need for changes in citizenship rules and practices. [...]

Knowledge on nationality and specifically on laws on nationality is generally regarded as a specialist one. Yet legal definitions of who belongs, and on what terms, to political units most commonly called nation-states have inevitably, consciously or not, in combination with various other policies and laws, influenced the sense of national identity.

[page 24]

Everyone has the right to a nationality. But what is ‘nationality’? And what means the ‘right to’? According to the Council of Europe’s definition “ “nationality” means the legal bond between a person and a State and does not indicate the person’s ethnic origin.”4

[page 35]

Though terms in which policy objectives are cast differ from country to country, as well as areas it targets, policy debates and changes are taking place almost everywhere. In the European Union “fair treatment of third country nationals” has been outlined as one of the essential elements of common migration and asylum policy and further elaborated

[page 36]

upon in the communication on Community immigration policy.55


4 European Convention on Nationality, 1997: ETS no.166, Article 2(a).

55 Communication from the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament on a Community Immigration Policy, Brussels, 22. November 2000 COM (2000) 757 final (…)

Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned.

Note that this passage can be found in the chapter: "Conclusions and Perspectives"

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(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[123.] Ama/Fragment 039 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 14. June 2017, 17:26 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 5. June 2017, 07:04 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, European Commission 2005, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 39, Zeilen: 1-15
Quelle: European Commission 2005
Seite(n): 8. 9, Zeilen: 8: r.col.: 1 ff.; ; 9: l.col: 1 ff.
In the last 15 years, the Union has intensified efforts to play an international political and security role in line with its economic status. The conflicts that erupted in Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 convinced EU leaders of the need for effective joint action.

Only a few months after the Treaty of Maastricht entered into force, which formalized the principle of a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), war broke out in the territory of former Yugoslavia. The European Union tried unsuccessfully to broker a political solution to the crisis. As the EU had no military force of its own, its member countries could only intervene as part of UN and NATO forces which later sent to the region. But the lessons of this experience were not lost. In the light of Balkan wars, and of conflicts in Africa in the 1990s, the EU has created a European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) within the overall framework of the CFSP.

More recently, the fight against international terrorism has strengthened this conviction.

In the last 15 years, the Union has intensified efforts to play an international political and security role more in line with its economic status. The conflicts that erupted in Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 convinced EU leaders of the need for effective joint action. More recently, the fight against international terrorism has strengthened this conviction.

The lessons of the Balkans

The principle of a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) was formalised in 1992 in the Treaty of Maastricht. Only a few months later, war broke out in former Yugoslavia. The European Union tried unsuccessfully to broker a political solution to the crisis. As the EU had no military force of its own, its member countries could only intervene as part of UN and Nato forces which were later sent to the region.

[page 9]

The lessons of this experience were not lost. In the light of the Balkan wars, and of conflicts in Africa in the 1990s, the EU has created a European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) within the overall framework of the CFSP.

Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned.

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(SleepyHollow02), WiseWoman

[124.] Ama/Fragment 038 15 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 14. June 2017, 17:21 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 26. April 2017, 03:36 (Hindemith)
Ama, European Commission 2005, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Quelle: European Commission 2005
Seite(n): 8, Zeilen: l.col: 8 ff.
The first step was an ambitious but unsuccessful attempt in early 1950s to create a European Defence Community among the six founding members of the European Union. Then came a process called "European political cooperation", launched in 1970, which sought to coordinate the positions of the Member States on foreign policy issues of the day. EU countries produced joint statements whenever they could. But, on particularly sensitive issues, it was not always possible to reach the required unanimous decision. The first step was an ambitious but unsuccessful attempt in the early 1950s to create a European Defence Community among the six founding members of the European Union. Then came a process called ‘European political cooperation’, launched in 1970, which sought to coordinate the positions of member states on foreign policy issues of the day. EU countries produced joint statements whenever they could. But on particularly sensitive issues, it was not always possible to reach the required unanimous decision.
Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned.

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(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[125.] Ama/Fragment 119 32 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 14. June 2017, 13:40 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 26. April 2017, 22:56 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, Bechev 2004, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Quelle: Bechev 2004
Seite(n): 7, Zeilen: 12-17
Of particular importance, alongside the crucial political and economic conditions, the reports monitored the level of harmonization against the EU's acquis. By late 2001, it was clear that SAP was the EU's main instrument to deal with the Western Balkans. The Stability Pact was reduced to its mere framework, relevant to issue-areas such as the liberalization of trade in South East Europe, but hardly more than that. Importantly, alongside the crucial political and economic conditions, the reports monitored the level of harmonisation with the EU’s acquis. By the late 2001, it was clear that the SAP was the EU’s main tool to deal with the Western Balkans. The Stability Pact was reduced to its mere complement, relevant to issue-areas such as liberalisation of trade in South East Europe, but hardly anything more than that.
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No source mentioned; nothing has been marked as a citation.

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(Graf Isolan), WiseWoman

[126.] Ama/Fragment 119 04 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 14. June 2017, 13:34 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 26. April 2017, 22:50 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, Bechev 2004, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Seite: 119, Zeilen: 4-16, 103-105
Quelle: Bechev 2004
Seite(n): 6-7, Zeilen: 6:22-24-7:1-8.101
The dramatic changes in Croatia (January 2000) and Serbia (October) pushed forward EU-Balkan relations.403 With reformist governments in power in all Western Balkan countries, including Kosovo, as defined by Resolution 1244 of the United Nation Security Council at that time, it was time to give even more substance to SAP. At the Zagreb Summit in November 2000, heads of States and governments from the Western Balkan and the EU Member States voiced clearly their mutual commitments. The SAP states undertook to push on with political and economic reforms domestically, fight organized crime, and engage in regional cooperation in order to move closer to the EU. The EU talked about the Balkans' European vocation, while on a more practical level it declared its readiness to implement fully the SAP, in particular through granting wide market access to the region's products and by launching CARDS.404 The program was subsequently granted €4.9 billion for the period 2001-2006.

403 See para. 1 of the EU-Western Balkan Summit, Zagreb Summit Declaration, 24 November 2000.

404 EU-Western Balkan Summit, Zagreb Summit Declaration, 24 November 2000.

[page 6]

The dramatic changes in Croatia (January 2000) and Serbia (October 2000) pushed forward the EU-Balkan relations. With reformist governments in power in all

[page 7]

five Western Balkan countries, it was time to give even more substance to the SAP. At the Zagreb Summit in November 2000, heads of state and government from the Western Balkan and the EU Member States voiced clearly their mutual commitments. The SAP states undertook to push with political and economic reforms domestically, fight organised crime, and engage in regional cooperation in order to move closer to the EU. The EU talked about the Balkans’ European vocation, while on a more practical level declared readiness to implement fully the SAP, in particular through granting wide market access to region’s products and launching CARDS.14 The programme was subsequently granted 4.9 billion euro for the period 2001-2006.


14 EU-Western Balkan Summit, Zagreb Summit Declaration, 24 November 2000.

Anmerkungen

No source mentioned; nothing has been marked as a citation.

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(Graf Isolan), WiseWoman

[127.] Ama/Fragment 118 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 14. June 2017, 12:50 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 10. June 2017, 17:41 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Bechev 2004, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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It declared that whichever states met the Regional Approach standards could sign association agreements, mirroring the Europe Agreements with the Central and East European candidates.397 What is more, the EU agreed to open asymmetrically its markets even prior to the signature on such an agreement. Brussels also unveiled the Community Assistance for Reconstruction and Development and Stability (CARDS) program, which was to assist domestic reforms and reconstruction in the countries in question and replace PHARE and OBNOVA.398 Although the EU insisted that the SAP was its contribution to the Stability Pact, it was clear that the former programme had much greater appeal.399 This had to do with the fact that, being a contractual framework implemented by the Commission's DG External Relations, the SAP drew on the accession template rather than the reconstruction and conflict-management oriented CFSP instruments. There were important indications about the direction in which the SAP was moving. The presidency conclusions of the Feira Council in June 2000 referred, for a very first time, to the Western Balkan countries as potential members of the EU.400 At the same time, the SAP completed the process of separating the Western Balkans from Stability Pact recipients Bulgaria and Romania, which were also given green light during the Helsinki Council (December 1999) to start membership negotiations.

397 Communication from the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament, Stabilization and Association Process for the Countries of South Eastern Europe, COM(99) 235 final, 26.5.1999.

398 Council Regulation (EC) No 2666/2000, 5 December 2000 on assistance for Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, repealing Regulation (EC) No 1628/96 and amending Regulations (EEC) No 3906/89 and (EEC) No 1360/90 and Decisions 97/256/EC and 1999/311/EC.

399 Cf. Emilian Kavalski, The Western Balkans and the EU: the Probable Dream of Membership, South East Europe Review, No. 1-2, 2003, pp. 197 ff., 202-205.

400 Presidency Conclusions of the Santa Maria da Feira European Council, No. 200/1/00, 19-20 June 2000.

It declared that whichever states meeting the Regional Approach standards could sign association agreements, mirroring the Europe Agreements with the Central and East European candidates.10 What is more, the EU agreed to open asymmetrically its markets even prior to the signature of such an agreement. Brussels also unveiled the Community Assistance for Reconstruction and Development, and Stability (CARDS) programme, which was to assist domestic reforms and reconstruction in the countries in question and replace PHARE and OBNOVA.11

Although the EU insisted that the SAP was its contribution to the Stability Pact, it was clear that the former programme had much greater appeal.12 This had to do with the fact that being a contractual framework implemented by the Commission’s DG External Relations the SAP drew on the accession template than with the reconstruction and conflict-management oriented CFSP instruments. There were important indications about the direction into which the SAP was moving. The presidency conclusions of the Feira Council in June 2000 referred, for a very first time, to the Western Balkan countries as potential members of the EU.13 At the same time, the SAP completed the process of separating the Western Balkans from Stability Pact recipients Bulgaria and Romania, which were also given green light during the Helsinki Council (December 1999) to start membership negotiations.


10 Communication from the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament: Stabilisation and Association Process for the countries of South Eastern Europe, COM (99) 235, 26 May 1999.

11 Council Regulation (EC) No 2666/2000. 5 December 2000.

12 Cf. Emilian Kavalski, ‘The Western Balkans and the EU: the Probable Dream of Membership’ South East European Review, No 1-2, 2003, pp. 202-5

13 Presidency Conclusions of the Santa Maria da Feira European Council, No. 200/1/00, 19 -20 June 2000.

Anmerkungen

No source mentioned; nothing has been marked as a citation.

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(SleepyHollow02), WiseWoman

[128.] Ama/Fragment 117 21 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 14. June 2017, 12:40 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 26. April 2017, 21:34 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, Bechev 2004, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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The Pact's founding documents solemnly declared that "the EU will draw the region closer to the perspective of full integration of these countries in South East Europe into its structures".396 However, it was very much unclear how the Stability Pact squared with integration. It remained, by and large, post-conflict reconstruction strategy funded by the International Financial Institutions, the EU and its Member States. In terms of its approach, the Pact was not an accession platform. Initiated by the German Presidency and sanctioned by the Cologne Council, it was nonetheless placed institutionally under the OSCE. The EU was just one, albeit the most important, stakeholder amongst many. The Pact exemplified a trend: the EU took over the economy pillar within the Kosovo's UN administration (UNMIK), but preferred sharing responsibility with a vast range of international actors. The Stability Pact, however, contained only part of the story. Parallel to it, the EU launched the Stabilization and Association Process (SAP) as a new instrument to upgrade its contractual relations with the Western [Balkan states.]

396 Stability Pact for South East Europe, Cologne, 10 June 1999.

The Pact’s founding documents solemnly declared that ‘The EU will draw the region closer to the perspective of full integration of these countries [in South East Europe] into its structures.’2 However, it was very much unclear how the Stability Pact squared with integration. It remained, by and large, post-conflict reconstruction strategy funded by the International Financial Institutions, the EU and its Member States. In terms of its approach, the Pact was not an accession platform. Initiated by the German Presidency and sanctioned by the Cologne Council, it was nonetheless placed institutionally under the OSCE. The EU was just one, albeit the most important, stakeholder amongst many. The Pact exemplified a trend: the EU took over the economy pillar within the Kosovo’s UN administration (UNMIK), but preferred sharing responsibility with a vast range of international actors.

[page 6]

The Stability Pact, however, contained only part of the story. Parallel to it, the EU launched the Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP) as a new instrument to upgrade its contractual relations with the Western Balkan states.


2 Stability Pact for South East Europe, Cologne, 10 June 1999, p. 20.

Anmerkungen

No source mentioned; nothing has been marked as a citation.

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(Graf Isolan), WiseWoman

[129.] Ama/Fragment 117 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 14. June 2017, 12:31 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 26. April 2017, 21:21 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, Bechev 2004, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite(n): 5, Zeilen: 5-13, 101-102
Part G First Steps for the Hope and Future of the Western-Balkans

I. Cologne Council

The violence in Kosovo leading to the NATO campaign against Yugoslavia introduced important qualitative changes in the EU's policy towards South East Europe. If the US and NATO had done a great job of defeating Milosevic militarily, the 'Europeans' had to pay the bill and generate economic growth and political stability in the region. The Stability Pact launched by the German Presidency of the EU resurrected the idea of the 'hour of Europe', and this time the dawn was for real.394 It was clear that it was the EU's job to assemble and coordinate a coalition of international donors. Yet, to be credible, the EU had to make certain promises to South East Europe.


394 See Lykke Friis and Anna Murphy, Turbo-charged Negotiations: the EU and the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, Journal of European Public Policy, Vol. 7, No. 5, 2000, pp. 767-786.

How Much is Enough?: the EU involvement after the Kosovo war

The violence in Kosovo leading to the NATO campaign against Yugoslavia introduced important qualitative changes in the EU’s policy towards South East Europe. If the US and NATO had done the dirty work of defeating Milosevic militarily, the ‘Europeans’ had to pay the bill and generate economic growth and political stability in the region. The Stability Pact launched by the German Presidency of the EU resurrected the idea of the ‘hour of Europe’, and this time the dawn was for real.1 It was clear that it was the EU’s job to assemble and coordinate a coalition of international donors. Yet, to be credible, the EU had to make certain promises to South East Europe.


1 See Lykke Friis and Anna Murphy, ‘”Turbo-charged Negotiations”: the EU and the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe,’ Journal of European Public Policy vol. 7, no. 5, 2000, pp. 767-86

Anmerkungen

No source mentioned; nothing has been marked as a citation.

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(Graf Isolan), WiseWoman

[130.] Ama/Fragment 047 03 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 12. June 2017, 21:00 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 22. April 2017, 08:12 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schilder Hausschild 2005, Schutzlevel sysop

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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 47, Zeilen: 3-34
Quelle: Schilder Hausschild 2005
Seite(n): 5; 6; 8; 52, Zeilen: 5: l.col.: 2ff; 6: l.col..: 2ff; r.col.: 7ff; 52: l.col.: 2ff
With the beginning of the new century, European development policy faced new challenges due to redefined European foreign and security interests. Military interventions in situations of crisis and conflict are increasing and shape the cooperation between development and security actors. The European Security Strategy (ESS)200, the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (TCE) and the Treaty of Lisbon are providing the revised strategic framework by identifying new threats to security and defining the common interests and objectives of the EU foreign policy.

The European Security Strategy is a new approach to European security policy. Never before has the European Union addressed a comparable project. The reasons for this are obvious. Prior to 1999, the European Union had either not been involved in security matters at all or if so, only marginally. It had not had a mandate regarding this policy area, and there had been a lack of political will to develop the security dimension of EU security foreign policy. Generally, NATO had been seen as the leading organization assuring European security.

Europe has never been so prosperous, so secure nor so free. The violence of the 20th first half Century has given way to a period of peace and stability unprecedented in European history. The creation of the European Union has been central to this development. It has transformed the relations between its states, and the lives of its citizens. European countries are committed to dealing peacefully with disputes and cooperating through institutions.201

The Balkan War in the 1990s bluntly revealed that the EU was not able to manage conflicts on its own continent. But 1999 consolidated a dramatic change. Although the Kosovo War once again demonstrated deficits concerning conflict management, it gave the final important impulse to establish a Common Foreign and Security Policy.

The Treaty of Amsterdam created the office of High Representative for CFSP. The first holder of this office, Javier Solana, succeeded very rapidly in giving face and voice to the CFSP. The founding [sic] of the Political and Security Committee for Civilian Aspects of Crisis Management and the EU Military Staff created further institutional improvements for effective European management in the area of foreign and security policy.


200 European Security Strategy, signed in December 2003, available on: http://ue.eu.int/uedocs/cmsUpload/78367.pdf last visited on 15 March 2009.

201 Solana, Javier, A Secure Europe in a Better World – The European Security Strategy, Civilian Perspective or Security Strategy, International Conference, organized by Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Berlin, 23 November 2004.

With the beginning of the new century European development policy faces new challenges due to redefined European foreign and security interests. Military interventions in situations of crisis and conflict are increasing and shape the cooperation between development and security policy actors. The European Security Strategy (ESS) signed in December 2003 and the Treaty for a new European Constitution are providing the revised strategic framework by identifying new threats to security and defining the common interests and objectives of EU foreign policy. [...]

[page 6, l.col.]

[...] The European Security Strategy is a new approach to European security policy. Never before has the European Union attended to a comparable project. The reasons for this are obvious. Prior to 1999, the European Union had either not been involved in security matters at all or if so, only marginally. It had not had a mandate regarding this policy area, and there had been a lack of political will to develop the security dimension of EU foreign policy. Generally, NATO had been seen as the leading organisation assuring European security. [...]

The Balkan War in the 1990ies bluntly revealed that the EU was not able to manage conflicts on its own continent. But 1999 constituted a dramatic change. Although the Kosovo War once again demonstrated European deficits concerning conflict management, it gave the final important impulse to establish a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CSFP) deserving this name.

[page 6, r.col.]

[...] »Amsterdam« created the office of High Representative for CFSP. The first holder of this office, Javier Solana, succeeded very rapidly in giving face and voice to the CFSP. The funding of the Political and Security Committee, the EU Military Committee, the EU Committee for Civilian Aspects of Crisis Management and the EU Military Staff created further institutional improvements for an effective European management in the area of foreign and security policy.

[page 52]

Annex:
A secure Europe in a better world — the European Security Strategy

Javier Solana

Introduction

Europe has never been so prosperous, so secure nor so free. The violence of the first half of the 20th Century has given way to a period of peace and stability unprecedented in European history.

The creation of the European Union has been central to this development. It has transformed the relations between our states, and the lives of our citizens. European countries are committed to dealing peacefully with disputes and to cooperating through common institutions. [...]

Anmerkungen

Reference 201 refers to the Annex of the source document "Civilian Perspective or Security Strategy? European Development Policy Confronting New Challenges in Foreign and Security Policy", which is a speech given by Javier Solana. The paragraph is taken verbatim without clearly marking it as a direct quotation. The rest of the page is also from the source document without the source being given.

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(Hindemith), WiseWoman

[131.] Ama/Fragment 120 02 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 12. June 2017, 10:17 Klgn
Erstellt: 11. June 2017, 05:43 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Bechev 2004, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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III. Lisbon Summit (the European Council in Santa Maria da Feira)

Although the EU insisted that SAP was its contribution to the Stability Pact, it was clear that the former program had much greater appeal.405 This has had to do with the fact that, being a contractual framework implemented by the Commission's DG External Relation, the SAP drew on accession templates rather than the reconstruction and conflict-management oriented CFSP instruments. There were important indications about the direction into which the SAP was moving. The presidency conclusion of the Feira Council in June 2000 referred, for the very first time, to the Western Balkan countries as potential members of the EU.406 At the same time, the SAP completed the process of separating the Western Balkans from Stability Pact recipients Bulgaria and Romania, which were also given green light during the Helsinki Council (December 1999) to start membership negotiations.


405 Cf. Emilian Kavalski, The Western Balkans and the EU: the Probable Dream of Membership, South East Europe Review, No. 1-2, 2003, pp. 197 ff., 202-205.

406 Presidency Conclusions of the Santa Maria da Feira European Council, No. 200/1/00, 19-20 June 2000, available also on: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/summits/fei1_en.htm, last visited on 22 January 2009.

Although the EU insisted that the SAP was its contribution to the Stability Pact, it was clear that the former programme had much greater appeal.12 This had to do with the fact that being a contractual framework implemented by the Commission’s DG External Relations the SAP drew on the accession template than with the reconstruction and conflict-management oriented CFSP instruments. There were important indications about the direction into which the SAP was moving. The presidency conclusions of the Feira Council in June 2000 referred, for a very first time, to the Western Balkan countries as potential members of the EU.13 At the same time, the SAP completed the process of separating the Western Balkans from Stability Pact recipients Bulgaria and Romania, which were also given green light during the Helsinki Council (December 1999) to start membership negotiations.

12 Cf. Emilian Kavalski, ‘The Western Balkans and the EU: the Probable Dream of Membership’ South East European Review, No 1-2, 2003, pp. 202-5

13 Presidency Conclusions of the Santa Maria da Feira European Council, No. 200/1/00, 19 -20 June 2000.

Anmerkungen

The source is not indicated.

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(SleepyHollow02), PlagProf:-)

[132.] Ama/Fragment 014 35 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 9. June 2017, 15:36 SleepyHollow02
Erstellt: 1. May 2017, 20:55 (Hindemith)
Ama, Euractiv 2002, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite(n): 1 (online source), Zeilen: -
There has always been an ambiguity surrounding the notion of Constitution. A Constitution may be the founding text of a State. Most of the Member States of [the European Union have such a Constitution.] There has always been an ambiguity surrounding the notion of Constitution. A Constitution may be the founding text of a State. [...] Most of the Member States of the European Union have such a Constitution.
Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

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(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02

[133.] Ama/Fragment 026 17 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 4. June 2017, 22:32 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 25. April 2017, 19:48 (Hindemith)
Ama, Chalmers et al 2006, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite(n): 43, Zeilen: 1 ff.
The Declaration suggested two themes: First, the ideals and justification underpinning the European Union had to be, if not reconsidered, then at least brought out more clearly. There should be clear answers to the question "What is the European Union for?”. Alongside this, there would need to be considerations of wide-ranging institutional reforms, which could provide an institutional settlement that addressed these ideals and tasks more clearly. The Declaration suggested two themes. First, the ideals and justifications underpinning the European Union had to be, if not reconsidered, then at least brought out more clearly. There should be clear answers to the question 'What is the European Union for?' Alongside this, there would need to be consideration of wide-ranging institutional reform, which could provide an institutional settlement that addressed these ideals and tasks more clearly.
Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned here.

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(Hindemith), WiseWoman

[134.] Ama/Fragment 021 11 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 4. June 2017, 22:27 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 25. April 2017, 19:35 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Chalmers et al 2006, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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2. Space of Freedom, Security and Justice

If the central monuments of the Single European Act and Treaty of European Union were the Internal Market and the European Monetary Union respectively, the Treaty of Amsterdam provided a similar role for the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ).95

The ASFJ was a commitment to realize, within five years of the entry into force of the Treaty of Amsterdam, an area without internal borders controls and with common external borders. This Area was to include common measures in the fields of immigration, asylum and the rights of non-EU nationals. It was also to involve judicial cooperation in civil and criminal matters and police cooperation.96

To realize the AFSJ, the Treaty of Amsterdam first integrated the Schengen Agreements into the legal framework of the TEU. These agreements, signed in 1985 and the 1990, committed all Member States — other than Ireland and United Kingdom — to realizing an area without internal border controls and with common external frontiers. A Protocol integrating the Schengen Acquis into the framework of the European Union was adopted, which made the Schengen Agreements, and the implementing decisions taken under these agreements, part of the Union law.97 The AFSJ reoriented the mission of the Union more strongly around the pursuit of certain political ideals.


95 See the Treaty of Amsterdam, available on: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/topics/treaty/pdf/amst-en.pdf last visited on 27 December 2008.

96 Dominian [sic] Chalmes [sic], Cristos Hadijemmanui [sic], Giogion [sic] Monti, Adam Tomkins, European Union Law, Cambridge 2006, p. 32.

97 Ibid, p. 32.

(a) Area of Freedom, Security and Justice

If the central monuments of the SEA and the TEU were the internal market and EMU, respectively, then the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice occupied a similar place for the Treaty of Amsterdam.86

The Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) was a commitment to realise, within five years of the entry into force of the Treaty of Amsterdam, an area without internal border controls and with common external borders. This area was to include common measures in the fields of immigration, asylum and the rights of non-EU nationals. It was also to involve judicial cooperation in civil and criminal matters and police cooperation.

To realise the AFSJ, the Treaty of Amsterdam, first, integrated the Schengen Agreements into the legal framework of the TEU. As mentioned earlier, these agreements, signed in 1985 and 1990, committed all Member States, other than Ireland and the United Kingdom, to realising an area without internal border controls and with common external frontiers. A Protocol integrating the Schengen Acquis into the framework of the European Union was adopted, which made the Schengen Agreements and the implementing decisions taken under these agreements, part of Union law. [...]

Finally, the AFSJ reoriented the mission of the Union more strongly around the maintenance of certain political ideals.


86 The Area of Freedom, Security and Justice has been much modified since the Treaty of Amsterdam. Its central elements are analysed further in chapter 14.

Anmerkungen

The source is given in footnotes 96 and 97, but the extent of the copied text does not become clear to the reader and neither does the literal character of the copying.

Note that the authors of the source are named Damian Chalmers, Christos Hadjiemmanuil, Giorgio Monti, and Adam Tomkins.

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(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[135.] Ama/Fragment 012 15 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 4. June 2017, 22:11 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 25. April 2017, 18:53 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Chalmers et al 2006, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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[...]; following this, the term was to lie largely dormant for many centuries.

The Roman Empire and Christianity dominated the organization of political life and neither had much use for the term. Europe re-emerged as an important political idea from the eighth century onwards.44 Alongside particular religious beliefs, Europe also became associated with a particular form of political economy, namely rural trade. Increasingly, the rural town became the centre of the local economy. Trade relations between towns expanded across Europe so that, from the fifteen [sic] century onwards, trade flourished between the Italian ports in the south and Flanders in the north, in which the role of the merchant was pivotal.45


44 See Chalmers, Damian / Hadjiemmanuil, Christos / Monti, Giorgio / Tomkins, Adam, European Union Law. Text and Materials, Cambridge 2006, p. 3.

45 Ibid., p. 3.

Following this, the term was to lie largely dormant for many centuries. The Roman Empire and Christianity dominated in the organisation of political life and neither had much use for the term. Europe re-emerged as an important political idea from the eighth century onwards. [...] Alongside particular religious beliefs, Europe also became associated with a particular form of political economy, namely that of rural trade. Increasingly, the rural town became the centre of the local economy. Trade relations between towns expanded across Europe, so that from the fifteenth century onwards, trade flourished between the Italian ports in the south and Flanders in the north, in which the role of the merchant was pivotal.
Anmerkungen

The source is mentioned, but the extent of the copied text does not become clear to the reader.

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[136.] Ama/Fragment 005 26 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 4. June 2017, 22:07 WiseWoman
Erstellt: 25. April 2017, 18:43 (Hindemith)
Ama, Chalmers et al 2006, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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The Treaty of Nice22 was mainly concerned with the minutiae of institutional reforms. It addressed the composition of the institutions. Reforms were made to the Community Judicature. It was agreed that there should be no more than one Commissioner from each Member State from 2005 onwards. The method for the allocation of seats in the European Parliament was altered. Most contentiously, the distribution of votes between national governments within the Council — for the purpose of the Qualified Majority Voting System — was recalculated and the voting rules were altered. Even within governmental confines, Nice was seen as a disappointment. The Treaties were now a confusing and incoherent mess.

22 See Treaty of Nice, signed on 26 February 2001 available on: http://www.eurotreaties.com/nicetreaty.pdf.

The Treaty of Nice was mainly concerned with the minutiae of institutional reform. [...] Beyond this, it addressed the composition of the institutions. Reforms were made to the Community judicature. It was agreed that there should be no more than one Commissioner from each Member State from 2005 onwards. The method for allocation of seats in the European Parliament was altered. Most contentiously, the distribution of votes between national governments within the Council for the purposes of QMV was recalculated and the voting rules were altered. [...]

Even within governmental confines, Nice was seen as a disappointment. The Treaties were now a confusing and in coherent [sic] mess.

Anmerkungen

The source is not mentioned.

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(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02, WiseWoman

[137.] Ama/Fragment 009 27 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 3. June 2017, 05:37 SleepyHollow02
Erstellt: 30. April 2017, 20:52 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, House of Commons 2007, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Pursuant to the speech of the Commissioner for External Relations, Chris Patten, the EU once more declared its strong commitment that “the future of the Balkans is within the European Union”. The declaration contained a conditional promise. The EU would consider the Western Balkan states for membership, but only if they reached EU standards. The EU was motivated by the usual economic considerations linked to enlargement as well as the desire to increase regional stability. In 2005, the negative results of French and Dutch referendums on the EU Constitution signalled public disapproval of many aspects of EU policy, [including enlargement.] In 2003 the EU declared that “the future of the Balkans is within the European Union”. The declaration contained a conditional promise. The EU would consider the Western Balkan states for membership, but only if they reached EU standards. The EU was motivated by the usual economic considerations connected to enlargement and also a desire to increase regional stability.

[...]

In 2005 the negative results of the French and Dutch referendums on the EU Constitution signalled public disapproval of many aspects of EU policy, including enlargement. Consequently, the enlargement strategy published in 2006 contained a subtle, but highly significant, shift in policy. Accession is now linked to ‘consolidation’ and the ‘integration capacity’ of the EU. This does not undermine the EU’s commitment to honour existing obligations. However, candidates are concerned that under the new strategy successful implementation of reforms may not be sufficient to secure membership.

[...]

The British Government is a strong supporter of enlargement. It has consistently argued that enlargement is in the strategic interests of the UK and the EU. Following the EU’s change in strategy, the UK cautioned against the erection of barriers designed to impede enlargement.

The EU remains publicly committed to offering the Western Balkans EU membership, but the situation is precarious. Any further enlargement is dependent upon institutional reform of the EU, which has become tied to the Constitution. This could cause significant delays because there is still no agreement on how to proceed with the Constitution.

Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

Note that the reference to the House of Lords publication is misleading. This paper does not contain the copied text, see [5]

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02

[138.] Ama/Fragment 007 22 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 2. June 2017, 18:47 Klgn
Erstellt: 23. April 2017, 19:14 (Hindemith)
Ama, BauernOpfer, COM 2006 649 final, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Seite: 7, Zeilen: 22-34
Quelle: COM 2006 649 final
Seite(n): 2, 4, Zeilen: 2: 13 ff.; 4: 4 ff.
Economically, enlargement has helped to increase prosperity and competitiveness, enabling the enlarged Union to respond better to the challenges of globalisation. This has brought direct benefits for Europe as a whole.

Enlargement has shown its enduring value as one of the EU's most effective policies, successfully contributing to peace, stability and democratic development throughout the continent. Ten new members joined the EU in 2004, producing the biggest wave of EU enlargement, and this was followed by the accession of Bulgaria and Romania in January 2007. The ten new Member States have continued their smooth integration into EU institutions and policies; they have an excellent level of compliance with EU law and have made significant contributions to the work of the EU's institutions. The EU's institutions have continued to function effectively. Enlargement has increased the EU's [weight in international political and economic life.31]


31 Communication from the Commision to the European Parliament and the Council, Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2006-2007 including annexed report on the EU’s capacity to integrate new members, COM(2006) 604 final, 8.11.2006, p. 4.

Economically, enlargement has helped to increase prosperity and competitiveness, enabling the enlarged Union to respond better to the challenges of globalisation. This has brought direct benefits for Europe as a whole. Enlargement has increased the EU's weight in the world and made it a stronger international player.

The accession of Bulgaria and Romania on 1 January 2007 will complete the fifth enlargement, following the accession of ten Member States in May 2004. Rigorous preparations have paved the way for their smooth integration into EU institutions and policies. The ten new Member States have reached an excellent level of compliance with EU law and have made a significant contribution to the work of the EU institutions.

[page 4]

Enlargement has shown its enduring value as one of the EU’s most effective policies, successfully contributing to peace, stability and democratic development throughout the continent. The ten Member States which joined in 2004 have continued their smooth integration into EU institutions and policies. The new Member States' democratic political systems have, on the whole, continued to function well. They have an excellent level of compliance with EU law and have made a significant contribution to the work of the EU’s institutions. The EU's institutions have continued to function effectively. Enlargement has increased the EU’s weight in international political and economic life and added to the EU’s negotiating strength in different fora.

Anmerkungen

Nothing has been marked as a citation, and the extent to which text has been copied does not become clear.

The source is given with the correct title, but a wrong number. See [6]

Sichter
(Hindemith), SleepyHollow02

[139.] Ama/Fragment 057 19 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 1. June 2017, 19:27 SleepyHollow02
Erstellt: 4. May 2017, 14:59 (Hindemith)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, House of Lords 2006, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
Hindemith
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 57, Zeilen: 19-24
Quelle: House of Lords 2006
Seite(n): 8, Zeilen: 4 ff.
The EU's role in the world has been expanding rapidly over the last decade. The EU has strategic partnership with a growing number of European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) missions in areas of the world ranging from the Western Balkans to Aceh in Indonesia, Baghdad and Kinshasa. Meanwhile, the EU is promoting political and economic development in Eastern Europe and the Mediterranean area under the European Neighbourhood Policy.229

229 Communication from the Commission, A strong European Neighbourhood Policy, COM(2007) 774 final,5.12.2007; Communication from the Commission to the Council, European Neighbourhood Policy Recommendations for Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Egypt and Lebanon, COM(2005) 72 final, 2.3.2005; Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council, Implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy in 2007, COM(2008) 164 final, 3.4.2008; Communication from the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament on strengthening the European Neighbourhood Policy COM(2006) 726 final, 4.12.2006; Regulation (EC) No 1638/2006 of the European [Parliament and of Council of 24 October 2006, laying down provisions establishing a European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument, OJ L 310/1.]

7. The EU’s role in the world has been expanding rapidly over the last decade. The EU has strategic partnerships with a growing number of countries and regions; there is a growing number of European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) missions in areas of the world ranging from the western Balkans to Aceh in Indonesia, Baghdad and Kinshasa; meanwhile, the EU is promoting political and economic development in eastern Europe and the Mediterranean under the European Neighbourhood Policy.
Anmerkungen

COM(2007) 774 final, the source quoted first in note 229, does not cover this statement. Even if this passage was contained in one of the other given sources the reader would not expect a literal quote, as nothing has been marked as a citation and many sources are given.

Sichter
(Hindemith), PlagProf:-), SleepyHollow02

[140.] Ama/Fragment 043 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 1. June 2017, 08:13 Klgn
Erstellt: 30. May 2017, 18:54 (Graf Isolan)
Ama, BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, Haine 2003, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
BauernOpfer
Bearbeiter
Hindemith, Graf Isolan
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 43, Zeilen: 1-24
Quelle: Haine 2003
Seite(n): 229, 230, 231, 235, Zeilen: 229: 34 ff.; 230: 23 ff.; 231: 1 ff.; 235: 13 ff.
[In addition, the Working Group recommended that a new provision be inserted in the Treaty, which would provide for the possibility] of the European Council agreeing by unanimity to extend the use of QMV in the field of CSFP [sic]. Several members considered that "Joint Initiatives" should be approved by QMV.182 As regards the role of the European Parliament, the Working Group recognised that the current provisions of Article 21 TEU relating to CFSP were satisfactory. They should, however, be complemented to include that the person holding the function of HR should be involved in the tasks described in Article 21 TEU (consultations on the main aspects and basic choices, and information on the development of CFSP).183 As regards the financing of the CFSP, the Working Group, noted that the CFSP part of the EU budget had proved to be insufficient, and that the procedures were too complex to allow prompt financing of activities and thus recommended: 184

- The CFSP part of the EU budget should have sufficient funds to meet unexpected crises or new political priorities on the international scene.

- The person holding the function of HR should be granted a certain degree of autonomy in financing activities necessary to carrying out of his/her mandate. In particular, an effective mechanism within the EU budget should allow the person holding the function of HR to finance, on urgent basis, steps preparatory to civilian crisis management operations, subject to clear guidelines from the Council and clearance from PSC, and this should respect the budgetary ceilings set by the budgetary authority.185

- A bigger margin of unallocated expenditure in the main assistance programmes should be provided to respond to unexpected developments.

- Appropriate procedures should be established to allow prompt disbursement and action in real time.


182 Ibid., p. 7.

183 Ibid., p. 8.

184 Ibid., p. 9

185 Means of financing crisis management operations having a defence component should also be identified, Recommendation of Working Group VII.

[page 229]

In addition, the Working Group recommends that a new provision be inserted in the Treaty, which would provide for the possibility of the European Council agreeing by unanimity to extend the use of QMV in the field of CFSP.

Several members consider that “joint initiatives” should be approved by QMV.

[page 230]

10. Role of the European Parliament

The Working Group recognised that the current provisions of Art. 21 TEU relating to CFSP were satisfactory. They should, however, be complemented to include that the person holding the

[page 231]

function of HR should be involved in the tasks described in Art. 21 TEU (consultation on main aspects and basic choices, and information on the development of CFSP).

[...]

11. Financing CFSP

The Working Group, noting that the current CFSP part of the EU budget has proved to be insufficient, and that current procedures are too heavy to allow prompt financing of activities, recommends that:

  • the CFSP part of the EU budget should have sufficient funds to meet unexpected crises or new political priorities on the international scene;
  • the person holding the function of HR should be granted a certain degree of autonomy in financing activities necessary to the carrying out of his/her mandate. In particular, an effective mechanism within the EU budget should allow the person holding the [page 231] function of HR to finance, on an urgent basis, steps preparatory to civilian crisis management operations, subject to clear guidelines from the Council and clearance from PSC, and this should respect the budgetary ceilings set by the budgetary authority 2
  • a bigger margin of unallocated expenditure in the main assistance programmes should be provided to respond to unexpected developments;
  • appropriate procedures should be established to allow prompt disbursement and action in real time.

[page 235]

Conferring one single explicit legal personality on the Union, as proposed by the Working Group III, would clarify the possibility for the Union to conclude agreements in the field of its competences.


2 Means of financing crisis management operations having a defence component should also be identified (see recommendations of Working Group VIII [Defence]).

Anmerkungen

Nothing is marked as a citation although the source is given several times.

Sichter
(Hindemith, Graf Isolan), SleepyHollow02

[141.] Ama/Fragment 032 11 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 31. May 2017, 07:50 PlagProf:-)
Erstellt: 25. April 2017, 15:05 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, BauernOpfer, European Convention 2002, Fragment, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

Typus
BauernOpfer
Bearbeiter
SleepyHollow02
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 32, Zeilen: 11 ff.
Quelle: European Convention 2002
Seite(n): 1, 2, 3, Zeilen: 1: 2 ff.; 2: 8 ff.; 3: 2 ff.
Under a mandate from the presidium of the Convention, the Woking Group III of the European Convention on the Legal Personality was established to examine the following matters: 140

— the consequences of explicit recognition of the Union's legal personality,

— the consequences of a merger of the Union's legal personality with that of the Community,

— the impact on the simplification of the Treaties.

The Working Group also examined the implications which the Union's single legal personality would have on the procedures for negotiating agreements and saw a need for a single article in the new Treaty, based on the Article 300 TEC, to be supplemented by Articles 24 and 38 TEU. Some amendments were proposed to Article 24 TEU in order to take account of the Union's single legal personality. One fundamental issue concerned identifying a simpler and more effective procedure for negotiating agreements, in particular those coming under several "pillars" at the same time. External representation of the Union was also discussed. Other topics discussed and on which broad consensus was reached included the need to establish judicial control in this area and to provide for systematic consultation of the European Parliament.141 The Working Group decided by a broad consensus (with one member against) to recommend conferring explicit legal personality on the Union. The present situation was found to be ambiguous in a number of ways and likely to undermine affirmation of the Union's identity at international level and of legal certainty, both of which are essential in international relations with third States and international organisations. The Working Group considered two possible options: either the Union would have a legal personality alongside those of the European Community and Euratom, or it would be explicitly given a single legal personality to replace the existing legal personalities. A majority of the Working Group felt that the Union's legal personality should replace that of the European Community and of Euratom, although some members of the Working Group suggested that the [inclusion of Euratom was not absolutely essential given the specific nature of that Treaty.]142


140 The European Convention, Final Report of Working Group III on Legal Personality, CONV 305/02, Brussels, 1 October 2002(02.10), p. 1

141 Ibid., p. 2

[142 Ibid., p. 3]

1. Under the mandate received from the Praesidium of the Convention, the Working Group was to examine the following matters:

– the consequences of explicit recognition of the Union's legal personality;

– the consequences of a merger of the Union's legal personality with that of the Community;

– the impact on the simplification of the Treaties.

[...]

4. The Group also examined the implications which the Union's single legal personality would have on the procedures for negotiating agreements and saw a need for a single article in the new treaty, based on the current Article 300 TEC, to be supplemented by Articles 24 and 38 TEU. Some amendments were proposed to Article 24 TEU in order to take account of the Union's single legal personality. One fundamental issue was that of identifying simpler and more effective procedures for negotiating agreements, in particular for those coming under several "pillars" at the same time. The external representation of the Union was also discussed.

5. Other aspects were discussed and were the subject of broad consensus, namely the need to establish judicial control in this area and to provide for systematic consultation of the European Parliament. [...]

8. The Working Group decided by a broad consensus (with one member against) to recommend conferring explicit legal personality on the Union. The present situation was found to be ambiguous in a number of ways and likely to undermine affirmation of the Union's identity at international level and legal certainty, both of which are essential in international relations with third States and international organisations.

9. The Working Group considered the two possible options: either the Union would have a legal personality alongside those of the Community and Euratom, or it would be explicitly given a single legal personality to replace the existing legal personalities. [...]


2 A majority of the Working Group felt that the Union's legal personality would replace that of the Community and of Euratom, although some members of the Group suggested that the inclusion of Euratom was not absolutely essential given the specific nature of that Treaty.

Anmerkungen

While the source is indicated in all three footnotes, nothing has been marked as a literal quote.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), PlagProf:-)

[142.] Ama/Fragment 006 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 31. May 2017, 07:48 PlagProf:-)
Erstellt: 3. May 2017, 05:42 (SleepyHollow02)
Ama, Fragment, Gesichtet, Kaczynski et al 2008, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

Typus
Verschleierung
Bearbeiter
SleepyHollow02
Gesichtet
Yes
Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 6, Zeilen: 1-12
Quelle: Kaczynski et al 2008
Seite(n): 1, Zeilen: 19 ff.
The Treaty of Lisbon23 was signed on 13 December 2007, and was supposed to enter into force on 1 January 2009. This was a very ambitious agenda; the only previous EU Treaty that had been ratified in less than 13 months was the original Treaty of Rome in 1957. But that Treaty had required ratification in only six countries, whereas the Lisbon Treaty had to be approved by 27 countries. The intended smooth ratification process ended with the Irish referendum on 12 June 2008. The negative results of the vote put the Treaty in jeopardy and prevented a timely coming in to force. The date envisaged for its entry in to force, 1 January 2009, had become impossible to maintain in the light of events following the European Council meeting on 19-20 June 2008. This meeting had the clear purpose and effect of enabling Member States to suspend their ratification processes.

23 OJ C 306/01, 17.12.2007.

The Treaty of Lisbon was signed on 13 December 2007, and was supposed to enter into force on 1 January 2009. This was a very ambitious agenda; the only EU treaty that was ratified in less than 13 months was the original Treaty of Rome in 1957. But that treaty required ratification in only six countries, whereas the Lisbon Treaty must be approved by 27 countries. The smooth ratification process ended with the Irish referendum on 12 June 2008. The negative result of the vote put the Treaty in jeopardy and prevented a timely entrance into force. The date envisaged for its entry into force, 1 January 2009, has become impossible to maintain in light of the set of events following the European Council meeting on 19-20 June 2008. This meeting had served the clear purpose of avoiding decisions by other member states to suspend ratification, as had been the case with the Constitutional Treaty.
Anmerkungen

The source is not given.

Sichter
(SleepyHollow02), PlagProf:-)

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