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8 Fragmente

[1.] Analyse:Nmi/Fragment 024 06 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 3. October 2013, 21:24 Schumann
Erstellt: 3. October 2013, 19:37 (Hindemith)
BauernOpfer, Fragment, Gesichtet, MoRD 2006, Nmi, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel

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Untersuchte Arbeit:
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Quelle: MoRD 2006
Seite(n): 36, Zeilen: 8-17, 21-29
After independence, India relied on multi-purpose reservoirs for providing irrigation and generating hydro-electricity. To stabilize the catchments of reservoirs and to control siltation, a centrally sponsored scheme of „Soil Conservation Work in the Catchments of River Valley Projects‟ was launched in 1962-63. Another step in this direction was taken with the launching of Drought Prone Areas Program (DPAP) by the Ministry of Rural Development (MoRD) in 1972-73. The objective of this program was to tackle the special problems of areas constantly affected by severe drought conditions. In 1977-78, the MoRD started a special program for hot desert areas of Rajasthan, Gujarat and Haryana and cold desert areas of Jammu & Kashmir and Himachal Pradesh (which were earlier under DPAP) called Desert Development Program (DDP)38. Together these projects covered an area of 96.1 million hectares spread over 20 States (Government of India, 2001).

The Ministry of Agriculture started a scheme of Integrated Watershed Management in the Catchments of Flood Prone Rivers (FPR) in 1980-81. During the 1980s, several successful experiences of fully treated watersheds, such as Sukhomajri in Haryana and Ralegaon Siddhi in Western Maharashtra, came to be reported. The Ministry of Agriculture then launched a scheme for propagation of water harvesting/conservation technology in rainfed areas in 19 identified locations in 1982-83. In October 1984, the Ministry of Rural Development (MoRD) adopted this approach in 22 other locations in rainfed areas. With experience gained from all these, the concept of integrated watershed development was first institutionalized with the launching of the „National Watershed Development Program of Rainfed Areas‟ (NWDPRA) in 1986-87, covering 99 districts in 16 states (Government of India/ MoRD, 2006).


38 See Joshi et. al. (2004)

After independence India relied on multi-purpose reservoirs for providing irrigation and generating hydro-electricity. To stabilize the catchments of reservoirs and to control siltation, a Centrally Sponsored Scheme of “Soil Conservation Work in the Catchments of River Valley Projects (RVP)” was launched in 1962-63. The Ministry of Agriculture started a scheme of Integrated Watershed Management in the Catchments of Flood Prone Rivers (FPR) in 1980-81. During the 1980s, several successful experiences of fully treated watersheds, such as Sukhomajri in Haryana and Ralegaon Siddhi in Western Maharashtra, came to be reported. The Ministry of Agriculture launched a scheme for propagation of water harvesting/conservation technology in rainfed areas in 19 identified locations in 1982-83. In October 1984, the Ministry of Rural Development (MoRD) adopted this approach in 22 other locations in rainfed areas. [...]

With experience gained from all these, the concept of integrated watershed development was first institutionalised with the launching of the National Watershed Development Programme of Rainfed Areas (NWDPRA) in 1990, covering 99 districts in 16 states. Meanwhile, conservation work was ongoing in the Drought Prone Areas Programme (DPAP) launched by MoRD in 1972-73. The objective of this programme was to tackle the special problems of areas constantly affected by severe drought conditions. In 1977-78, the MoRD started a special programme for hot desert areas of Rajasthan, Gujarat and Haryana and cold desert areas of Jammu & Kashmir and Himachal Pradesh (which were earlier under DPAP) called Desert Development Programme (DDP).

Anmerkungen

Die Quelle ist am Ende der Seite angegeben. Es wird aber nicht klar, das fast die gesamte Seite dieser Quelle weitgehend im Wortlaut folgt. Bei Joshi et al. (2004) findet sich der Wortlaut nicht.

Sichter
(Hindemith) Schumann

[2.] Analyse:Nmi/Fragment 079 23 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 3. October 2013, 21:29 Schumann
Erstellt: 3. October 2013, 20:02 (Hindemith)
Fragment, Gesichtet, MoRD 2006, Nmi, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel, Verschleierung

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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 79, Zeilen: 23-28
Quelle: MoRD 2006
Seite(n): 43, 44, Zeilen: 43: 32-33 ; 44: 1-9
An impact study of five watersheds in Andhra Pradesh (Reddy and Ravindra, 2004) found that the overall BCR of watershed investment in 4 watersheds varied between 1.10 and 3.78. On this basis, they worked out that the investment payback period of a watershed project is 2 to 3 years. Another study by Chaturvedi (2005) notes that benefits occur because of an increase in cropped area, shifts in cropping pattern and improvements in crop productivity to due increased water availability. Lobo (1996) notes [an average rise of nearly 300% in the irrigated area and 50% in cropped area from his study on three watershed villages in Ahmednagar under the IGWDP.] A study of impacts in five watersheds in Andhra Pradesh by Watershed Support Services and Activities Network (WASSAN) (Reddy and Ravindra, 2004) found that the overall BCR of

[Seite 44]

watershed investment in four watersheds varied between 1.10 and 3.78. On the basis of this estimate, they worked out that the investment payback period of a watershed project is 2 to 3 years. A cost-benefit analysis of eight watersheds located in different parts of Gujarat has been conducted by Development Support Centre (DSC) (Chaturvedi, 2005). The study comes out with rather high BCR figures in the range of 4.06 to 15.72. The study notes that benefits occur because of increase in cropped area, shifts in cropping pattern and improvements in crop productivity due to watershed treatment. Crispino Lobo (1996) presents a study of 3 watersheds under the IGWDP in Ahmednagar district of Maharashtra. An average rise of nearly 300% in the irrigated area and 50% in cropped area was recorded post-intervention.

Anmerkungen

Die Quelle ist hier nicht angegeben, obwohl die Übersicht der verschiedenen Studien aus ihr stammt, z.T. im Wortlaut.

Sichter
(Hindemith) Schumann

[3.] Analyse:Nmi/Fragment 080 03 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 3. October 2013, 21:17 Schumann
Erstellt: 3. October 2013, 20:20 (Hindemith)
Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, MoRD 2006, Nmi, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel

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Quelle: MoRD 2006
Seite(n): 44, 45, Zeilen: 44: 10-13, 24-31 ; 45: 1-7
A comparative study of 16 villages in the drought-affected districts of Gujarat showed that the watershed villages were better placed compared to non-watershed villages in terms of water and biomass availability, employment opportunities and out-migration (Shah, 2000). MoRD conducted a comprehensive evaluation of watershed programs in 16 states covering 221 districts in 2001. A compilation of the results of this study (TERI, 2004) reports overall improvement in land use, increase in net sown and gross cropped area, expansion in irrigated area, greater fuel-wood and fodder availability, higher incomes and employment opportunities from the majority of states. Perhaps the most comprehensive summary of the benefits of watershed programs in India is provided by ICRISAT‟s (International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics) „meta-analysis‟ of the impact of watershed programs (Joshi et al, 2005). It is based on an exhaustive review of 311 case studies.

The study found that in treated watersheds:

  • soil loss (51 studies) reduced by 0.82 tonnes/ha/year;
  • rate of runoff (36 studies) reduced by 13%;
  • irrigated area (97 studies) increased by 34%;
  • cropping intensity (115 studies) went up by 64%; and
  • Additional employment (39 studies) of 182 person-days/ha/year has been created and in some cases, it went up to 900 person-days/ha/year.
An initial survey of 16 villages (8 watershed and 8 non-watershed) in drought-affected districts of Gujarat showed that the watershed villages were better placed compared to non-watershed villages in terms of water and biomass availability, employment opportunities and out-migration (Anil Shah, 2000). [...]

MoRD conducted a comprehensive evaluation of watershed programmes in 16 states covering 221 districts in 2001. A compilation of the results of this study (TERI, 2004) reports overall improvement in land use, increase in net sown and gross cropped area, expansion in irrigated area, greater fuelwood and fodder availability, higher incomes and employment opportunities from the majority of states. Perhaps the most comprehensive summary of the benefits of watershed programmes in India is provided by ICRISAT’s (International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics) ‘meta-analysis’ of the impact of watershed programmes (Joshi et al, 2005). It is based on an exhaustive review of 311 case studies.

[Seite 45]

The study found that in treated watersheds:

  • soil loss (51 studies) reduced by 0.82 tonnes/ha/year;
  • rate of runoff (36 studies) reduced by 13%;
  • irrigated area (97 studies) increased by 34%;
  • cropping intensity (115 studies) went up by 64%; and
  • additional employment (39 studies) of 182 persondays/ha/year has been created

and in some cases, it went up to 900 persondays/ha/year.

Anmerkungen

Die Quelle ist nicht genannt.

Sichter
(Hindemith) Schumann

[4.] Analyse:Nmi/Fragment 087 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 3. October 2013, 15:41 Agrippina1
Erstellt: 3. October 2013, 15:18 (Hindemith)
Fragment, Gesichtet, Hovland 2005, Nmi, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel, Verschleierung

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Quelle: Hovland 2005
Seite(n): 1 (Internetquelle), Zeilen: -
Mosse (2005) presents an analysis of how the „policy-practice dynamic‟ played out in the DFID-funded Indo-British Rainfed Farming Project (IBRFP) amongst the Bhil 'tribal' communities in rural western India. He describes how a development project finds ways of working itself out and how these ways are rarely based on policy in the way it is usually documented - but that they can nevertheless be turned into policy after the events. 'What if,' as Mosse formulates it, 'development practice is not driven by policy? What if the things that make for good policy are quite different from those that make it implementable? What if, instead of policy producing practice, practice produces policy, in the sense that actors in development devote their energies to maintaining coherent representations regardless of events?' (Mosse, 2005: 2). It becomes evident that the dynamic between policy and practice is deeply important in the project - but not for the reasons one would think. On the contrary, he presents an ethnographic analysis of the dynamic between aid policy and practice that makes us think about both categories in new ways. More specifically, he presents an analysis of how the policy-practice dynamic played out in the DFID-funded Indo-British Rainfed Farming Project (IBRFP) amongst the Bhil 'tribal' communities in rural Western India. [...]

[...] In short, Mosse describes how a development project finds ways of working itself out and how these ways are rarely based on policy in the way that we usually assume - but that they can nevertheless be turned into policy after the event. [...]

'What if,' as Mosse formulates it, 'development practice is not driven by policy? What if the things that make for good policy are quite different from those that make it implementable? What if, instead of policy producing practice, practice produces policy, in the sense that actors in development devote their energies to maintaining coherent representations regardless of events?' (p. 2). It becomes evident that the dynamic between policy and practice is deeply important in the project - but not for the reasons one would think.

Anmerkungen

The review of Mosses Buch stammt aus einer nicht angegebenen Quelle.

Sichter
(Hindemith) Agrippina1

[5.] Analyse:Nmi/Fragment 099 10 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 3. October 2013, 16:21 Agrippina1
Erstellt: 3. October 2013, 13:19 (Hindemith)
BauernOpfer, Flinders Buller 2005, Fragment, Gesichtet, Nmi, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel

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Quelle: Flinders Buller 2005
Seite(n): 15, 16, Zeilen: 15: 5ff; 16: 1ff
3.2.1 Preference-Shaping Depoliticization

It involves the invocation of preference-shaping through recourse to ideological or rhetorical claims in order to justify a political position that a certain issue or function does, or should, lie beyond the scope of politics or the capacity for state control. In practice, preference-shaping depoliticization tactics involve the construction of a new „reality. in which the role of national politicians is presented as having been, to some extent, eviscerated by external forces or broad societal factors. These forces limit the flexibility of national politicians and reduce their role in managing and enforcing rule-based tactics or policy stances which are designed to alleviate the negative consequences of trends for which national politicians cannot reasonably be held responsible (Flinders, 2007). However, a government may seek to avoid or deflect responsibility for an issue it is possible that the public may still blame the government for non-intervention or the adoption of an inappropriate tactic. The significant aspect of this tactic is that it relies on normative beliefs that may be extremely powerful even though the empirical evidence on which they are based is debated. Governments may seek to espouse or over-emphasise a distinct aspect or interpretation of an ideology in order to increase the potency of the line of reasoning being presented. The preference-shaping tactic is potentially far-reaching in that it attempts to refine and change public expectations about both the capacity of the state and the responsibilities of politicians (Buller and Flinders, 2006). An example of this preference-shaping tactic is the development ensemble.s recourse to arguments concerning globalisation in order to justify certain decisions or non-decisions.

PREFERENCE SHAPING DEPOLITICISATION

The final form of depoliticisation discussed in this paper involves the invocation of preference-shaping through recourse to ideological or rhetorical claims in order to justify a political position that a certain issue or function does, or should, lie beyond the scope of politics or the capacity for state control. [...]

In practice, preference-shaping depoliticisation tactics involve the construction of a new ‘reality’ in which the role of national politicians is presented as having been, to some extent, eviscerated by external forces or broad societal factors. These forces limit the flexibility of national politicians and reduce their role to managing and enforcing rule-based tactics or policy stances which are designed to alleviate the negative consequences of trends for which national politicians cannot reasonably be held responsible. However, although a government may seek to avoid or deflect responsibility for an issue it is possible that the public may still seek to ascribe blame on the government for non-intervention or the adoption of an inappropriate rule-based or institutional depoliticisation tactic. The significant aspect of this

[Seite 16]

third tactic is that it relies on normative beliefs that may be extremely powerful even though the empirical evidence on which they are based is debated. Governments may seek to espouse or over-emphasise a distinct aspect or interpretation of an ideology in order to increase the potency of the line of reasoning being presented. The preference-shaping tactic is potentially far-reaching in that it attempts to refine and change public expectations about both the capacity of the state and the responsibilities of politicians.

It is suggested that an example of this preference-shaping tactic is the Labour Government’s recourse to arguments concerning globalisation in order to justify certain decisions or non-decisions.

Anmerkungen

Die Autoren der Quelle sind zweimal genannt, dem Leser wird aber keineswegs klar, dass der gesamte Abschnitt wörtlich übernommen ist.

Sichter
(Hindemith) Agrippina1

[6.] Analyse:Nmi/Fragment 100 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 3. October 2013, 21:36 Schumann
Erstellt: 3. October 2013, 13:26 (Hindemith)
Flinders Buller 2005, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, Nmi, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel

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Seite(n): 16, 17, Zeilen: 16: 15-19; 17: 11-16
In essence, the rhetoric of globalisation has been employed as a tactic or tool through which the potentially negative political consequences of policy choices can be neutralised through the creation of an ideological context in which issues are depicted as being beyond the political control framework of national politics. For example, a government can convince the public that it can no longer control the economy due to wider global trends despite the fact that in reality is still has a number of significant control mechanisms at its disposal. If one emphasises the importance of rhetorical or ideological strategies then this situation may well be defined as one of depoliticization due to the fact that the public believes that depoliticization has occurred because of globalization and other such constraints (Burnham, 2001). In essence, the rhetoric of globalisation, it has been suggested, has been employed as a tactic or tool through which the potentially negative political consequences of policy choices can be neutralised through the creation of an ideological context in which issues are depicted as being beyond the political control framework of national politics.

[Seite 17]

Take, for example, a scenario in which a government convinces the public that it can no longer control the economy due to wider global trends despite the fact that in reality is still has a number of significant control mechanisms at its disposal. If one emphasises the importance of rhetorical or ideological strategies then this situation may well be defined as one of depoliticisation due to the fact that the public believes that depoliticisation has occurred.

Anmerkungen

Burnham (2001) wurde nicht überprüft. Sollte sich der Wortlaut auch bei Burnham (2001) finden, dann wäre das Fragment als Bauernopfer einzustufen, denn eine wörtliche Übernahme ist in keinem Fall gekennzeichnet.

Die Quelle wird nur am Ende des vorherigen Abschnitts genannt.

Sichter
(Hindemith) Schumann

[7.] Analyse:Nmi/Fragment 101 17 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 3. October 2013, 15:50 Agrippina1
Erstellt: 3. October 2013, 13:07 (Hindemith)
BauernOpfer, Flinders Buller 2005, Fragment, Gesichtet, Nmi, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel

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Quelle: Flinders Buller 2005
Seite(n): 6, 7, 8, 10, Zeilen: 6: 2ff; 7: 15ff; 8: 8ff; 10: 10ff
Institutional depoliticization is possibly the most frequently employed tactic. A formalised principal-agent relationship is established in which the former (minister) sets broad policy parameters while the latter (chief executive) enjoys day-to-day managerial and specialist freedom within the broad framework set by ministers. Institutional depoliticization is designed to release the agent (and its sphere of responsibility) to some extent from short-term political considerations - vote seeking, populist, short-term pressures to which elected politicians are subject (Buller and Flinders, 2005). Ministers do, however, enjoy substantial powers in relation to nationalised industries over such issues as appointments, policy frameworks and investment. Thus, a distinction needs to be made between an organisation‟s theoretical autonomy and the autonomy it enjoys in practice. Depoliticization should not therefore be seen as necessarily part of the „hollowing out‟ or evisceration of the state but may be more accurately be interpreted as an aspect of the transformation of the state. Moreover, the degree of true „depoliticization‟ is questionable when the independent body operates within a frequently narrow and prescriptive policy framework set by ministers. Institutional depoliticisation is possibly the most frequently employed tactic. A formalised principal-agent relationship is established in which the former (minister) sets broad policy parameters while the latter (chief executive) enjoys day-to-day managerial and specialist freedom within the broad framework set by ministers. Institutional depoliticisation is designed to release the agent (and its sphere of responsibility) to some extent from short-term political considerations - vote seeking, populist, short-term pressures to which elected politicians are subject.

[Seite 7]

Ministers did, however, enjoy substantial powers in relation to nationalised industries over such issues as appointments, policy frameworks and investment.

[Seite 8]

First, a distinction needs to be made between an organisation’s theoretical autonomy and the autonomy it enjoys in practice.xv

[Seite 10]

Depoliticisation should not therefore be seen as necessarily part of the ‘hollowing out’ or evisceration of the state but may be more accurately be interpreted as an aspect of the transformation of the state. Moreover, the degree of true ‘depoliticisation’ is questionable when the independent body operates within a frequently narrow and prescriptive policy framework set by ministers [...]


xv Bouckaert, G and Peters, G. ‘What is available and what is missing from the study of quangos?’ in Pollitt, C and Talbot, C. eds. Unbundling Government London : Routledge, 2004.

Anmerkungen

Der Verweis macht den Umfang der Übernahmen nicht deutlich. Die wörtlichen Übernahmen sind nicht gekennzeichnet.

Fortsetzung auf der nächsten Seite.

Sichter
(Hindemith) Agrippina1

[8.] Analyse:Nmi/Fragment 102 01 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 3. October 2013, 16:00 Agrippina1
Erstellt: 3. October 2013, 12:58 (Hindemith)
Flinders Buller 2005, Fragment, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, Nmi, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel

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Seite(n): 9, 10, 17, 18, Zeilen: 9: letzte Zeilen, 10: 1ff; 17: 19ff; 18: 1ff
The delegation of functions along a „spectrum of autonomy‟ with ministerial departments at one end and purely private bodies at the other, and executive agencies, non-ministerial departments, non-departmental public bodies, strategic health authorities, a vast range of statutory, non-statutory and „unrecognised‟ bodies, and increasingly complex forms of public-private partnerships in between these two poles - clearly raises a number of conceptual and empirical issues. At which point along the spectrum does an issue actually become depoliticised?

Clearly the explication of such tactics risks over-simplifying the complexity of modern governance. Within any sector at any time it may be possible to identify a mixture or amalgam of tactics. The examples outlined above may not be exhaustive as a list of depoliticization tactics. Nor should they be viewed as mutually exclusive. A government may pursue a number of different depoliticization tactics at any one time; with the preference-shaping tactic providing a macro-political context or rationale; the rule-based tactic operating at the meso-political level and within a certain policy area; and, the institutional tool operating at the meso as well as micro-political level and in response to specific incidents or demands.

The delegation of functions along a ‘spectrum of autonomy’ - with ministerial departments at one end and

[Seite 10]

purely private bodies at the other, and executive agencies, non-ministerial departments, non-departmental public bodies, strategic health authorities, a vast range of statutory, non-statutory and ‘unrecognised’ bodies, and increasingly complex forms of public-private partnerships in between these two poles - clearly raises a number of conceptual and empirical issues.xx At which point along the spectrum does an issue actually become depoliticised?

[Seite 17]

Clearly the explication of such tactics risks over-simplifying the complexity of modern governance. Within any sector at any time it may be possible to identify a mixture or amalgam of tactics (see Diagram 1). The three examples outlined above may not be exhaustive as a list of depoliticisation tactics. Nor should they be viewed as mutually exclusive. A government may pursue a number of different depoliticisation tactics at any one time; with the preference-shaping tactic providing a macro-political context or rationale; the rule-based tactic operating at the meso-political level and within a certain policy area; and,

[Seite 18]

the institutional tool operating at the micro-political level and in response to specific incidents or demands (see Diagram 2 for an example).


xx Greve, C. Flinders, M. and Van Thiel, S. (1999) ‘Quangos - What’s in a Name? - Defining Quangos from a Comparative Perspective’, Governance, 12, 2, 129-47.

Anmerkungen

Ein Quellenverweis findet sich nur auf der Vorseite ohne Bezug zu diesem Abschnitt. Die wörtliche Übernahme ist nicht gekennzeichnet.

Sichter
(Hindemith) Agrippina1


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2 Fragmente

[1.] Analyse:Nmi/Fragment 079 07 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 3. October 2013, 20:14 Hindemith
Erstellt: 3. October 2013, 19:51 (Hindemith)
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Seite(n): 43, Zeilen: 5ff
A study of 6 watersheds (Sharda et. al. 2005)89 showed that the watershed program reduced soil loses by 52% and surface runoff by 58%. The overall productivity of the watershed measured through a Crop Productivity Index rose by 12 to 45% in treated watersheds. A review of 120 selected households in four watershed projects in Gujarat (Shah, 2000) found that after 4 years of implementation, irrigated area almost doubled in all the projects, reaching about 18% of the land held by the beneficiary households. Cropping intensity also showed a rise. Around 87% of the households reported that their drinking water availability increased. About 71% of the landless reported better availability of employment opportunities in the post-project period. The value of the stream of benefits from the project over a 15-year period is estimated at Rs. 10.48 lakhs with an initial investment of Rs. 2.57 lakhs, with an overall benefit-cost ratio (BCR) of 4.07 (Government of India/ MoRD, 2006: 43).

89 Cited from Government of India/ MoRD, (2006: 43).

A study of 6 IWDP watersheds (Sharda, Samra and Dogra, 2005) showed that various mechanical and biological measures could reduce surface runoff by 58%. Soil losses from watersheds were reduced by 52%. The study reports that the water storage capacity created was on an average 47,400 cubic metres per watershed, which increased the recharge rate by 20 to 53%. The overall productivity of the watershed measured through a Crop Productivity Index rose by 12 to 45% in treated watersheds. A review of 120 selected households in four watershed projects in Gujarat (Amita Shah, 2000) found that after 4 years of implementation, irrigated area almost doubled in all the projects, reaching about 18% of the land held by the beneficiary households. Cropping intensity also showed a rise. The total net return from all crops increased by 63%. Around 87% of the households reported that their drinking water availability increased. About 71% of the landless reported better availability of employment opportunities in the post-project period. The value of the stream of benefits from the project over a 15-year period is estimated at Rs. 10.48 lakhs with an initial investment of Rs. 2.57 lakhs, with an overall benefit-cost ratio (BCR) of 4.07.
Anmerkungen

Die Quelle ist angegeben, die wörtlichen Übernahmen sind aber nicht gekennzeichnet.

Sichter
(Hindemith)

[2.] Analyse:Nmi/Fragment 086 13 - Diskussion
Bearbeitet: 3. October 2013, 18:26 Hindemith
Erstellt: 3. October 2013, 16:02 (Hindemith)
Fragment, Harriss 2002, KeineWertung, Nmi, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel, Unfertig

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Well-intentioned efforts to „build local organization‟ – never mind anything as ambitious as „civil society‟ - can so easily go wrong, as Corbridge et al. (2003) show, about the East Indian Rainfed Farming Project. Their independent evaluations of this project show that it had a fair degree of success as a farming systems program. But the logic of the project is that sustainable livelihoods are to be achieved through collective action in local organizations. Consequently, the project had devoted much effort to forming local development organizations. Considering the extent of inequality and social hierarchy in India, and the misleading stereotype of the „egalitarian tribal society‟ in the rural areas, we can observe that development organizations are very substantially dominated by the more affluent and powerful members of the society, argues Corbridge. Well-intentioned efforts to ‘build local organisation’ – never mind anything as ambitious as ‘civil society’ -can so easily go wrong, as Sanjay Kumar and Stuart Corbridge show in a forthcoming article in the JDS, about the East Indian Rainfed Farming Project. Their independent evaluations of this project show that it has had a fair degree of success as a farming systems programme. But the logic of the project is that sustainable livelihoods are to be constructed through collective action in local organisations. Consequently the project has devoted much effort to forming local development organisations. Unsurprisingly to anybody who knows anything at all about the extent of inequality and of social hierarchy in this broad region of India, and who is not gulled by the misleading stereotype of the ‘egalitarian tribal society’, these development organisations that have been built up with such effort by project staff are very substantially dominated by the more affluent and powerful members of the society, because they know that membership in the organisations is the key to accessing valuable project inputs.
Anmerkungen

Harriss bezieht sich mit "forthcoming article" auf einen anderen Artikel, als Nmi mit Corbridge et al. (2003). Trotzdem ist die Beschreibung sieses Artikels sehr ähnlich.

Sichter
(Hindemith)


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Quellen

Quelle Autor Titel Verlag Jahr Lit.-V. FN
Nmi/Flinders Buller 2005 Matthew Flinders, Jim Buller Depoliticisation, Democracy and Arena-Shifting 2005 ja ja
Nmi/Harriss 2002 John Harriss John Harriss -- presentation given at the Overseas Development Institute 2002 nein nein
Nmi/Hovland 2005 Ingie Hovland Cultivating Development: An Ethnography of Aid Policy and Practice. By David Mosse. London and Ann Arbor, MI: Pluto Press, 2005. 315 pp. £17.99 pb.

Reviewed by Ingie Hovland, Overseas Development Institute, London, UK

2005 nein nein
Nmi/MoRD 2006 From Hariyali to Neeranchal: Report of the Technical Committee on Watershed Programmes in India 2006 ja ja


Übersicht

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KP3003
VS2002
ÜP0000
BO3003
KW0112
KeinP0000
Σ81110

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