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Autor     Charlotte Bretherton, John Vogler
Titel    The European Union as a Global Actor
Ort    London, New York
Verlag    Routledge
Ausgabe    2. Aufl.
Jahr    2006
Umfang    273 Seiten
ISBN    0-415-28245-4

Literaturverz.   

ja
Fußnoten    ja
Fragmente    8


Fragmente der Quelle:
[1.] Gd/Fragment 042 06 - Diskussion
Zuletzt bearbeitet: 2014-03-04 12:54:02 Schumann
BauernOpfer, Bretherton und Vogler 2006, Fragment, Gd, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 42, Zeilen: 6-23, 27-29
Quelle: Bretherton und Vogler 2006
Seite(n): 4, 5, 12, 19, 20, (187), 215, Zeilen: 4:35-41; 5:9-11.14-16.24-27; 12:23-26; 19:5-9; 20:36-39; (187:1-2.5-9); 215:2-3
[2. The European Union as a global actor

“The EU is in itself a peace project and a supremely successful one ... Through the process of enlargement, through the Common Foreign and Security Policy, through its development co-operation and its external assistance programmes the EU now seeks to project stability also beyond its own borders. (Commission 200k 5).”58]

The end of the Cold War had great significance for the evolution of the EU as a global actor, mostly because of the new demands coming from Central and East European countries. As Bretherton and Vogler argue,59 bipolarity doubtless permitted, and economic globalization encouraged, the development of cooperation in Europe. However, the European Union as a political form is unique; its creation reflect [sic] a combination of external demands and opportunities, and political will and imagination on the part of its founders. It is a moving target under construction that can frustrate the best efforts of an analyst.

The Treaty on European Union (TEU) which entered into force in 1993, have had undoubtedly importance for the development of the European Union as a global actor. At the same time, attempts were made to develop Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) for the newly created Union, and thus, give a political direction to external policy.

In 1999 the Treaty of Amsterdam (TOA) provided the CFSP with a new position of High Representative, which was filled in by Mr. Javier Solana. Afterwards, in 2003, the Treaty of Nice strengthened the institutional structure of the CFSP by creating the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP).

Karen Smith identifies the following characteristics of the European Union in International relations: promotion of regional cooperation, human rights, democracy/good governance, conflict prevention and fight against international crime.60

[In order better to understand the EU’s commitment to act as a global actor, we should treat the whole political situation from the international perspective by that time. Many factors have forced the European Community (EC) to become an international political actor.] The end of the Cold War has emerged the European Union’s new role in challenging US hegemony. The EU had to compete with the US and Japan in high technology through the single market program and subsequently the Lisbon Strategy.


58 Bretherton Carlotte and Vogler John – The European Union as a Global Actor (Second Edition). London, 2006. p.189

59 Bretherton Carlotte and Vogler John – The European Union as a Global Actor (Second Edition). London, 2006. p.20

60 Bretherton Carlotte and Vogler John – The European Union as a Global Actor (Second Edition). London, 2006. p.12

[Seite 4]

While habits of cooperation were established among Member State foreign ministers, diplomats and officials, it was not until the end of the Cold War, followed by entry into force of the Treaty on European Union in 1993, that attempts were made to develop a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) for the newly created European Union, and thus to give overall political direction to external policy.

The TEU undoubtedly had importance for the development of the Union’s roles as a global actor.

[Seite 5]

Disappointment with the functioning of the CFSP led to Treaty reform, most notably through the 1999 Treaty of Amsterdam (TOA). The TOA provided for a new position, of High Representative for the CFSP, which was filled by Javier Solana. [...]

[...] Subsequently the 2003 Treaty of Nice strengthened the institutional structure of the CFSP and formalized arrangements that would give effect to the military and policing instruments of the ESDP. [...]

[...] The end of the Cold War had great significance for the evolution of the EU as a global actor, most evidently in terms of the new and unprecedented demands emanating from Central and East European countries (CEEC), eight of which became Member States in 2004.

[Seite 12]

Similarly, Karen Smith focuses upon ‘what the EU actually does in international relations’ - which she identifies as promotion of regional cooperation, human rights, and democracy/good governance; conflict prevention and the fight against international crime (Smith 2003: 2 and passim).

[Seite 19]

Here a contemporary role for the EU emerges in maximizing the potential of Western European states in challenging US hegemony. Attempts by the Union to compete with the US and Japan in high technology, through the Single Market programme and subsequently the Lisbon Strategy, [may be portrayed in Wallerstein’s terms (1991: 55) as a struggle ‘to gain monopolistic edges that will guarantee the direction of flows of surplus ... clearly it must be of concern to Europe that she will come a poor second in the race’.8]


[8 It is interesting to note that Wallerstein speculated in 1988 (when his 1991 essay was originally published) about the possibilities for and implications of ‘European unity’ through EC enlargement to the East. This, he concluded, would ‘breathe considerable new life into the existing capitalist world-economy’ (1991: 63).]

[Seite 20]

Bipolarity doubtless permitted, and economic globalization encouraged, the development of cooperation in Europe. However, the European Union as a political form is unique; its creation reflects a combination of external demands and opportunities, and political will and imagination on the part of its founders.

[Seite 187]

[8 The EU as a security community and military actor

[...]

The EU is in itself a peace project and a supremely successful one ... Through the process of enlargement, through the Common Foreign and Security Policy, through its development co-operation and its external assistance programmes the EU now seeks to project stability also beyond its own borders.

(Commission 2001c: 5)]

[Seite 215]

The European Union is a political system under construction — a moving target that can frustrate the best efforts of the analyst.

Anmerkungen

Patchwork: bis auf zwei Sätze im letzten Absatz stammen auf dieser Seite alle Inhalte und weitgehend alle Formulierungen aus Bretherton und Vogler (2006), die zwar dreimal als Quelle angegeben werden, wobei Art und Umfang der Übernahmen aber ungekennzeichnet bleiben.

Überschrift und das übernommene Zitat wurden nicht in die Zeilenzählung mit aufgenommen.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[2.] Gd/Fragment 043 01 - Diskussion
Zuletzt bearbeitet: 2014-02-22 15:54:49 Schumann
BauernOpfer, Bretherton und Vogler 2006, Fragment, Gd, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 43, Zeilen: 1-11, (11-14)
Quelle: Bretherton und Vogler 2006
Seite(n): 16, 33, (59), Zeilen: 16:22-24; 33:32-40; (59:33-36)
[Besides, the emergence of] armed conflict in Europe in the early 1990s, and fears of widespread political instability in Eastern Europe suggested a significant role for the EU as a regional security actor.

To facilitate more sustained diplomacy, the Union has developed some foreign policy instruments. Appointment of the EU Special Representatives to areas of particular concern such as the Balkans, the Middle East, the Great Lakes region of Africa and Afghanistan, later the South Caucasus, was very good initiative in order to stabilize the regions. Besides, the Commission operates an external service with some 130 delegations in less developed countries of the EU concern. They do not operate as a traditional foreign service however. Arguably, political reporting is often very weak and the focus of delegations, reflecting the principal areas of Community competence, has been first on trade, second on aid and only third on CFSP.61 [This is truth for the South Caucasus region as well. I will examine this problem thoroughly later in the work.

Moravcsik says that the single most powerful policy instrument of the EU for promoting peace and security in the world today is the ultimate in market access.62]


61 Bretherton Carlotte and Vogler John – The European Union as a Global Actor (Second Edition). London, 2006. p.33

[62 Bretherton Carlotte and Vogler John – The European Union as a Global Actor (Second Edition). London, 2006. p.59]

[Seite 16]

The re-emergence of armed conflict in Europe in the early 1990s, and fears of widespread political instability in Eastern Europe, suggested a significant role for the EU as a regional security actor.

[Seite 33]

To facilitate more sustained diplomacy on behalf of the Union, the practice has developed of appointing EU Special Representatives to areas of particular concern such as the Balkans, the Middle East, the Great Lakes region of Africa and Afghanistan.

In addition to these CFSP instruments, the Commission operates an external service with some 130 delegations in third countries. They do not operate as a traditional foreign service, however. Political reporting is often Very weak’ and the focus of delegations, reflecting the principal areas of Community competence, has been ‘first on trade, second on aid and only third on CFSP’ (Interview, DG External Relations, July 2001).

[Seite 59]

[An American scholar makes even stronger claims for the Union as civilian power; indeed he posits a direct link between inclusive and exclusive facets of EU identity:

Arguably the single most powerful policy instrument for promoting peace and security in the world today, is the ultimate in market access: admission to or association with the EU trading bloc.

(Moravcsik 2003: 85)]

Anmerkungen

Art und Umfang der Übernahme bleiben ungekennzeichnet.

Das zuletzt dokumentierte Zitat wurde nicht in die Zeilenzählung mit aufgenommen, auch wenn die Zitierweise ebenfalls inadäquat ist.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[3.] Gd/Fragment 044 09 - Diskussion
Zuletzt bearbeitet: 2014-02-19 23:44:58 Schumann
BauernOpfer, Bretherton und Vogler 2006, Fragment, Gd, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 44, Zeilen: (5-8), 9-25
Quelle: Bretherton und Vogler 2006
Seite(n): (137), 138, 160, Zeilen: (137:30-34), 138:22-24.27-29; 160:15-27
[“The peaceful revolution which swept Eastern Europe in 1989 is probably the most significant event in global terms of the past 45 years. It is happening on the very doorstep of the European Community. It represents a challenge and an opportunity to which the EC has given an immediate response.” (Commission 1990b:5).63]

Success in developing mutually satisfactory relations with neighbours and (potential) candidates is of paramount importance to the enlarged Union. Both the Eastern and Southern peripheries are characterized by economic and political instability and bitter, unresolved conflicts. As a consequence, both are identified in the Union’s Security Strategy as potential sources of risk to European security. Both, too, are important in supply or transit of energy to the EU. While the Security Strategy makes clear the Union’s interest in surrounding itself with a ring of well governed countries, the principal discourses employed within the Union have not been of security and interest, but of inclusion and neighbourhood. Rhetorically, at least, the central aim of the Union is to extend to the East and the South its values and practices and hence stability and prosperity. This is to be achieved either through incorporation (the Western Balkans and possibly Turkey) or neighbourhood (NIS64 and MNC65).

First, there was made a kind of differentiation between the countries. Divisions were made as a consequence of the Union’s decisions on eligibility for membership. While it is envisaged that the Balkan countries will accede to membership; Ukraine, Moldova and the countries of the South Caucasus, which have aspirations for membership, are excluded - as are Russia and Belarus.


63 Bretherton Carlotte and Vogler John – The European Union as a Global Actor (Second Edition). London, 2006. p.137

64 New Independent States

65 Mediterranean Non-Member Countries (of the EU)

[Seite 137]

The peaceful revolution which swept Eastern Europe in 1989 is probably the most significant event in global terms of the past 45 years. It is happening on the very doorstep of the European Community. It represents a challenge and an opportunity to which the EC has given an immediate response.

(Commission 1990b: 5)

[Seite 138]

In addition to these overall patterns of differentiation between the Eastern and Southern peripheries, divisions have also been created, within each region, as a consequence of the Union’s decisions on eligibility for membership. [...] While it is envisaged that the Balkan countries will accede to membership, Ukraine, Moldova and the countries of the South Caucasus, which have aspirations for membership, are excluded — as are Russia and Belarus.

[Seite 160]

Today, success in developing mutually satisfactory relations with neighbours and (potential) candidates is of paramount importance to the enlarged Union. Both the Eastern and Southern peripheries are characterized by economic and political instability and bitter, unresolved conflicts. In consequence, both are identified in the Union’s Security Strategy as potential sources of risk to European security. Both, too, are important in the supply or transit of energy to the EU. While the Security Strategy makes clear the Unions interest in surrounding itself with a ‘ring of well governed countries’ (European Council 2003: 8), the principal discourses employed within the Union have not been of security and interest but of inclusion and neighbourhood. Rhetorically, at least, the central aim of the Union is to extend to the East and the South its values and practices, and hence its stability and prosperity. This is to be achieved either through incorporation (the Western Balkans and Turkey) or ‘neighbourhood’ (NIS and MNC).

Anmerkungen

Die Passage wurde in keiner Weise als Zitat gekennzeichnet. Der Verweis auf die Quelle bezieht sich deutlich nur auf ein vorangegangenes Fremdzitat. Dieses wurde nicht in die Zeilenzählung mitaufgenommen.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[4.] Gd/Fragment 045 03 - Diskussion
Zuletzt bearbeitet: 2014-02-19 23:45:20 Schumann
BauernOpfer, Bretherton und Vogler 2006, Fragment, Gd, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 45, Zeilen: 3-13
Quelle: Bretherton und Vogler 2006
Seite(n): 138, 148, Zeilen: 138:32-39; 148:4-7.15-18
Undoubtedly, the 2004 (later 2007) enlargement represented a success for EU external policy. Nevertheless it raised a number of challenges - not least that of managing relations with neighbouring countries to the East and South in a manner that will avoid creating destabilizing processes of inclusion and exclusion; there was a need of development of mutually satisfactory relations with neighbours temporarily or permanently excluded from candidacy. The launch of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) was an attempt of providing an overarching framework for EU relations with Southern and Eastern “non-candidate” neighbours.

The concept of neighbourhood means denial for accession at the same time. Via ENP the Union conveys its desire for close and cordial relations with countries around the borders of the enlarged European Union. [As Bretherton and Vogler argue, “the apparent denial of “European” status to countries such as Ukraine is both resented and contested; and may be subject to reversal in the future. Meanwhile, the ENP is designed to accommodate considerable differentiation in relations between the EU and its neighbours.”67


67 Bretherton Carlotte and Vogler John – The European Union as a Global Actor (Second Edition). London, 2006. p.148]

[Seite 138]

Undoubtedly the 2004 enlargement represented a success for EU external policy. Nevertheless it raised a number of challenges — not least that of managing relations with neighbouring countries to the East and South in a manner that will avoid creating destabilizing processes of inclusion and exclusion. This will necessitate development of mutually satisfactory relations with neighbours temporarily or permanently excluded from candidacy. Here, the launch of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in 2003 is an attempt to provide an overarching framework for EU relations with Southern and Eastern ‘non-candidate’ neighbours.

[Seite 148]

While intended to convey a desire for close and cordial relations - ‘to create a ring of friends’ around the borders of the enlarged EU (Commission 2003d: 9) — the concept of neighbourhood is also exclusionary. [...]

[...]

The apparent denial of ‘European’ status to countries such as Ukraine is both resented and contested; and may be subject to reversal in the future.34 Meanwhile the ENP is designed to accommodate considerable differentiation in relations between the EU and its neighbours.


[34 This was explicitly acknowledged in a speech in December 2004 by the External Relations Commissioner (Ferrero-Waldner 2004: 1). See Chapter 2 for further discussion of these matters in the context of the Union’s inclusive and exclusive identities.]

Anmerkungen

Art und Umfang der Übernahme bleiben ungekennzeichnet. Die übernommene Passage ist trotz fast vollständiger wörtlicher Identität nicht als Übernahme erkennbar.

Das abschließende Zitat wurde nicht in die Zeilenzählung aufgenommen.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[5.] Gd/Fragment 046 12 - Diskussion
Zuletzt bearbeitet: 2014-02-19 23:45:52 Schumann
Bretherton und Vogler 2006, Fragment, Gd, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 46, Zeilen: 12-17
Quelle: Bretherton und Vogler 2006
Seite(n): 148, Zeilen: 25-29, 30-32
These range from commitment to democracy and the rule of law, through rights of minorities, trade union rights and gender equality, to combating terrorism and the proliferation of WMD. Other priorities include economic and social development, trade and border management. Specific regional initiatives are proposed in the areas of energy supply (several countries are important sources of, or transit routes for, oil and gas), transport and environment. These range from commitment to democracy and the rule of law, through rights of minorities, trade union rights and gender equality, to combating terrorism and the proliferation of WMD (Commission 2004a: 13).36 Other priorities include economic and social development, trade and border management. [Promotion of regional cooperation, as in the case of the Western Balkans, will also be a priority, and] specific regional initiatives are proposed in the areas of energy supply (several countries in both peripheries are important sources of, or transit routes for, oil and gas), transport and the environment.

[36 It is noteworthy that the European Security Strategy also prioritizes relations with neighbours — ‘Our task is to promote a ring of well governed countries to the East of the European Union and on the borders of the Mediterranean with whom we can enjoy close and cooperative relations’ (European Council 2003: 8).]

Anmerkungen

Bis auf Kürzungen identisch; ohne Hinweis auf eine Übernahme.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[6.] Gd/Fragment 046 26 - Diskussion
Zuletzt bearbeitet: 2014-02-19 23:46:03 Schumann
BauernOpfer, Bretherton und Vogler 2006, Fragment, Gd, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 46, Zeilen: 26-30, (30-31)
Quelle: Bretherton und Vogler 2006
Seite(n): 148-149, 8153), Zeilen: 148:42-43 - 149:1-3; (153:38-39)
Most significant is the prospect, depending upon progress, of moving beyond cooperation to integration - in relation to the Single Market and other EU policies and programmes. These provisions will be covered by new contractual arrangements, in the form of European Neighbourhood Agreements. Thus, the ENP could lead to a relationship extending to “everything but the institutions”. [At the same time, following the External Relations Commissioner Ferrero-Waldner’s speech in 2004, “still everything is possible”. She [meant that inclusion in the ENP “doesn’t close any doors to European Countries that may at some future point wish to apply for membership”.70

70 Bretherton Carlotte and Vogler John – The European Union as a Global Actor (Second Edition). London, 2006. p.148-149]]

[Seite 148]

Most significant is the prospect, depending upon progress, of moving beyond cooperation to integration – in relation to the Single Market and other EU policies

[Seite 149]

and programmes. These provisions will be covered by new contractual arrangements, in the form of European Neighbourhood Agreements. Thus the ENP could lead to a relationship extending to ‘everything but the institutions’.37

[Seite 153]

[While there has been little enthusiasm, elsewhere, for Ukrainian membership, the External Relations Commissioner found it necessary to state that membership of the ENP ‘does not close any doors to European countries that may at some future point wish to apply for membership’ (Ferrero-Waldner 2004: 1).]


[37 This concept applies to the members of the European Economic Area — Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein. In relations with Eastern neighbours, it was originally employed by Commission officials (prior to the development of the ENP) in the context of EU—Russia relations.]

Anmerkungen

Ohne Hinweis auf eine Übernahme.

Im unmittelbaren Anschluss an die hier dokumentierte Passage gibt Gd zwei Zitate der ehemaligen EU-Kommissarin Ferrero-Waldner, die er ebenfalls Bretherton und Vogler (2006) entnimmt. Die dann – auf der folgenden Seite erst – erfolgende Quellenangabe nennt dann aber nicht die Seitenzahlen, auf denen die Ferrero-Waldner-Zitate zu finden sind (für das zweite Zitat wäre das S. 153) sondern diejenigen, deren Angabe für das vorliegende Fragment nötig gewesen wären.

Die Zitate wurden nicht in die Zeilenzählung mitaufgenommen.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[7.] Gd/Fragment 048 20 - Diskussion
Zuletzt bearbeitet: 2014-02-19 23:46:36 Schumann
Bretherton und Vogler 2006, Fragment, Gd, Gesichtet, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Verschleierung

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Seite(n): 159, Zeilen: 152:31-33; 159:20-25
One more problem which arises concerning the ENP is that it is not clear if the incentives offered by the framework will prove adequate to achieve the Union’s aim of ensuring the economic and political stability of the Eastern neighbours. Moreover, the Union is involving itself in a highly volatile region (Eastern Europe and the Caucasus), which is regarded by the Russian government as the zone of its special responsibility. The need to exercise caution in the face of Russian sensitivities may prove a major impediment to EU as a global actor. Besides, Russia’s military presence in Moldova and Armenia as well as close interests in the separatist Georgian regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia generates tensions in the EU-Russian relations. [Seite 152]

These include Russia’s military presence in Moldova and Armenia, and close interest in the separatist Georgian province of South Ossetia, all of which are impediments to the ENP process.47

[Seite 159]

It is thus not clear that the incentives offered by the ENP will prove adequate to achieve the Union’s aim of ensuring the economic and political stability of the Eastern neighbours. Moreover, the Union is involving itself in a highly volatile region, which is regarded by the Russian government as its special responsibility. The need to exercise caution in the face of Russian sensitivities may prove a major impediment to EU actorness.


[47 The situation in Moldova is of particular concern to the EU as a consequence of its border with Romania and hence, in the future, with the Union.]

Anmerkungen

Ohne Hinweis auf eine Übernahme.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

[8.] Gd/Fragment 055 13 - Diskussion
Zuletzt bearbeitet: 2014-02-19 23:46:47 Schumann
Bretherton und Vogler 2006, Fragment, Gd, Gesichtet, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop

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Quelle: Bretherton und Vogler 2006
Seite(n): 187, Zeilen: 18-24
Conclusion

In many ways the EU from its original conception in the form of the European Coal and Steel Community was always in the business of providing security. This role derived from its presence. However, significant developments from the late 1990s through to the first deployment of forces under the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) in 2003 can be regarded as a transformation in which the Union acquired not only an unprecedented military capability but a security strategy to inform its use.

In many ways the EU, from its original conception in the form of the European Coal and Steel Community, was always in the business of providing security. This role derived from its presence. However, significant developments from the late 1990s through to the first deployment of forces under the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) in 2003 can be regarded as a transformation in which the Union acquired not only an unprecedented military capability but a security strategy to inform its use.
Anmerkungen

Ohne Hinweis auf eine Übernahme.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Schumann

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