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Autor     John Arquilla, David Ronfeldt
Titel    Networks and Netwars: The future of crime, terror, and militancy
Ort    Santa Monica
Verlag    RAND
Jahr    2001
ISBN    0-8330-3030-2
URL    Google Books, also: chapter 3 and complete

Literaturverz.   

yes
Fußnoten    yes
Fragmente    8


Fragmente der Quelle:
[1.] Nm/Fragment 064 02 - Diskussion
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2.8 DIMENSIONS OF CRIMINAL/ TERRORIST NETWORKS

Although networks are an important, and somewhat neglected, form of criminal organization, they are not the single or exclusive system. The traditional non-horizontal model long associated with Mafia families in the U.S., for example, does not need to be abandoned: After all, it is possible to have networks of hierarchies, hybrid organizational forms with some hierarchical mechanisms and a substantial network aspect, and even a network of networks. The shapes and sizes of the networks can be diverse; however, they vary along several critical scopes.

First, a network can be created and directed by a core of coordinators/ organizers who want to use it for specific purposes (a “directed network”) or it can emerge spontaneously as a mechanism to add efficiency to the functioning of a market (a [“business network”).]

Dimensions of Criminal Networks

Although networks are an important, and somewhat neglected, form of criminal organization, they are not the sole or exclusive form. The traditional hierarchical model long associated with Mafia families in the United States, for example, does not need to be jettisoned: After all, it is possible to have networks of hierarchies, hybrid organizational forms with some hierarchical components and a significant network dimension, and even a network of networks. If networks come in a great variety of shapes, however, they vary along several critical dimensions.

First, a network can be created and directed by a core of organizers who want to use it for specific purposes (a “directed network”) or it can emerge spontaneously as a mechanism to add efficiency to the functioning of a market (a “transaction network”).

Anmerkungen

Slight adaptations. The source is not given.

Sichter
(Hindemith), WiseWoman

[2.] Nm/Fragment 065 01 - Diskussion
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The Colombian cocaine trade can be seen as an example of directed network. Its core members at least came into being to carrying of cocaine to U.S. in the 1980s and early 1990s and directed the whole network to achieve the objective. Whereas, the heroin trade from Southeast Asia, in contrast, is far more of a business network, in which agents (we may call them brokers) play a critical role at almost every stage of the process. Herion [sic!] reaches the retail market by passing through a sequence of brokers/ agents and independent suppliers are responsible for moving it from manufacturers to agents. In practice, a directed network can be part of a larger business network, and it seems that with the demise of the large, vertically cohesive networks functioning out of Medellín and Cali, the Colombian cocaine trade has increasingly taken on this hybrid value.

Second, networks can range from small, inadequate relations at the local level to transnational provider networks responsible for moving both legal and illegal belongings across national borders. Membership can be determined by a particular characteristic, such as ethnicity, or can be relatively open. The networks are likely to be multi-ethnic when influential considerations balance the need to maintain a high degree of selectiveness.

Among the larger criminal networks, it is possible to identify both key individuals and key corporations or firms through which they operate. One of the best examples of a widespread transnational criminal network is that revolving around Semeon Mogilevich. Based in Hungary, Mogilevich is reputed to have close links with the Solntsevo criminal organization in Moscow, with prostitution activities in Frankfurt, with the Genovese family in New York, and with Russian criminals in Israel. For several years, Mogilevich operated in part through a company called Magnex YBM operating in the United States and Canada. The company was engaged in money laundering and stock frauds. It also had a network of companies in the Bahamas, the British Channel Islands, and the [Caymans.]

The Colombian cocaine trade in the 1980s and early 1990s was very much a directed network—at least at the core—which came into existence to transport cocaine to the United States. The heroin trade from Southeast Asia, in contrast, is far more of a transaction network, in which brokers play a critical role at almost every stage of the process. Producers supply heroin to independent distributors, and it is then passed along a chain of brokers until it reaches the retail market. In practice, of course, a directed network can be part of a larger transaction network, and it appears that with the demise of the large, vertically integrated networks operating out of Medellin and Cali, the Colombian cocaine trade has increasingly taken on this hybrid quality.

Second, networks can range from small, very limited associations at the local level to transnational supplier networks that move a variety of goods, either licit or illicit—or even both—across national borders. Membership can be determined by a particular characteristic, such as ethnicity, or can be relatively open. Supplier networks are likely to be multiethnic when instrumental considerations outweigh the desire or need to maintain a high degree of exclusiveness.

Among the larger criminal networks, it is possible to identify both key individuals and key companies or firms through which they operate. One of the best examples of an extensive transnational criminal network is that revolving around Semeon Mogilevich. Based in Hungary,

[Page 70]

Mogilevich is reputed to have close links with the Solntsevo criminal organization in Moscow, with prostitution activities in Frankfurt, with the Genovese family in New York, and with Russian criminals in Israel. For several years, Mogilevich operated in part through a company called Magnex YBM operating in the United States and Canada (where it was engaged in money laundering [...] and stock fraud) and also had a network of companies in the Bahamas, the British Channel Islands, and the Caymans.

Anmerkungen

Slight adaptations. The source is not referenced.

Sichter
(Hindemith), WiseWoman

[3.] Nm/Fragment 066 01 - Diskussion
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In such situation, Mogilevich was far less vulnerable than the leader of traditional Mafia group, in spite of its important role in such transnational network. Despite of continued claims about his role, he has never been sentenced of any corruption/ crime.

Third, networks can be highly structured and enduring in nature orthey can be loose, fluid, or imprecise in character, with members coming and going according to particular requirements, prospects, and/ or demands. Some individuals or even small organizations will point in and out of networks when it is convenient for them to do so. Other networks will have a more enduring membership. In yet other cases, there will be some members who provide continuity and direction to the network, while others will play an irregular or transitory part. There will be both “embedded ties” and continuing relations based on high levels of trust, mutual respect, and mutual concern; but also more transitory connections based on nothing more than a short-term chance of interests. An analogous dynamism is obvious in the way in which criminals develop businesses to make maximum of prospects and closing them whenever is needed or when they are directed in those particular areas.

Last, networks can be motivated barely on a sole purpose or on the supply of a particular product, or they can supply a broader range of illegitimate goods or engage in more diverse criminal activities. For example Colombian and Mexican drug trafficking organizations do not engage themselves into a wide range of activities. Although there has been a tendency to traffic in more than one kind of drug, essentially they are in the drug trafficking business and little else. On the other hand Russian and Chinese criminal organizations are involved in very diverse criminal activities like drug trafficking, dealing in lifted/ stolen cars and weapons, prostitution, antiquities, and vanishing classes, yet also engaging in numerous systems of extortion and even in monetary [fraud.]

Significantly, as a key figure in this transnational network, Mogilevich is far less vulnerable than a traditional Mafia don or family head, and, despite continued allegations about his role, he has never been convicted of any crime.

Third, networks can be highly structured and enduring in nature or they can be loose, fluid, or amorphous in character, with members coming and going according to particular needs, opportunities, and demands. Some individuals or even small organizations will drift in and out of networks when it is convenient for them to do so. Other networks will have a more enduring membership. In yet other cases, there will be some members who provide continuity (and direction) to the network, while others will play an occasional or ephemeral part. There will be both “embedded ties” and enduring relations based on high levels of trust, mutual respect, and mutual concern; but also more fleeting relations based on nothing more than a shortterm coincidence of interests. A similar dynamism is evident in the way in which criminals develop and use front companies, creating them wherever opportunities exist and abandoning or closing them whenever they become the targets of law enforcement investigations.

Last, networks can be focused very narrowly on a single purpose or on the supply of a single product, or they can supply a broader range of illegal products or engage in more diverse criminal activities. Colombian and Mexican drug trafficking organizations, for example, engage in a very narrow range of activities. Although there has been a tendency to traffic in more than one kind of drug, essentially they are in the drug trafficking business and little else. Russian and Chinese criminal organizations, in contrast, have a very diverse portfolio of criminal activities, trafficking in drugs, stolen cars, arms, prostitution, antiqui-

[Page 71]

ties, and endangered species, yet also engaging in various forms of extortion and financial fraud.

Anmerkungen

Somewhat adjusted. Source is not referenced.

Sichter
(Hindemith), WiseWoman

[4.] Nm/Fragment 067 02 - Diskussion
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Networks with their particular characteristics offer substantial eyecatching choices to terrorists. For example, range, flexibility, low visibility, durability, etc. are well known some of the attractive characteristics.

Networks can often operate clandestinely. The more visible a criminal enterprise the more likely it is to be attacked by law enforcement. It is well known fact that “Networks are not immediately visible”, which is considered strongly by criminal enterprises and can be used to hide behind various licit activities. Those can operate with a lower degree of formality than other types of organization, and can maintain a profile that does not bring them to the attention of law enforcement. In some cases, of course, the network will be exposed. However, in the beginning of the investigation of Mogilevich network by FBI, there was considerable surprise at its extensiveness.

Even when they are targeted by law enforcement, many criminal networks are inherently dispersed, with the result that they do not provide obvious centres of gravity or loci for law enforcement attacks. Lacking a physical substructure or a large investment of sunk costs that would add significantly to their weakness, networks can also migrate easily from zones where risks from law enforcement are maximum to zones where the risks are much lesser.

Criminal networks, especially when they are transnational in character, can exploit differences in national laws and regulations. For example Russian criminals travelled to Israel during 1990’s, which was lacking in money laundering laws and measures. Israel criminalized money laundering in 2000. In some cases, money from Russia was used in Israel to buy up virtually bankrupt businesses that would then start to make “profits” that flowed back to Russia. In some instances transnational criminal organizations also create jurisdictional confusion, making it difficult for any [single nation’s law enforcement agencies to act effectively against them.]

Whatever their precise characteristics, networks provide criminals with diversity, flexibility, low visibility, durability, and the like. Indeed, their attractions are very considerable:
  • Networks can often operate clandestinely. The more visible a criminal enterprise the more likely it is to be attacked by law enforcement. One of the most significant points about networks, however, is that they are not immediately and obviously visible. Criminal networks can hide behind various licit activities, can operate with a lower degree of formality than other types of organization, and can maintain a profile that does not bring them to the attention of law enforcement. In some cases, of course, the network will be exposed. Significantly, though, when the FBI began to investigate the Mogilevich criminal network, there was considerable surprise at its extensiveness.
  • Even when they are targeted by law enforcement, many criminal networks are inherently dispersed, with the result that they do not provide obvious centers of gravity or loci for law enforcement attacks. Lacking a physical infrastructure or a large investment of sunk costs that would add significantly to their vulnerability, networks can also migrate easily from areas where risks from law enforcement are high to areas where the risks are much lower.
  • Criminal networks, especially when they are transnational in character, can exploit differences in national laws and regulations (Israel, for example, only criminalized money laundering in 2000) by engaging in what might be termed jurisdictional arbitrage. Throughout the 1990s, for example, criminals from the former Soviet Union flooded into Israel, exploiting both the law of return and the lack of anti-money laundering measures. In some cases, money from Russia was used in Israel to buy up virtually bankrupt businesses that would then start to make “profits” that flowed back to Russia. In some instances transnational criminal organizations also create jurisdictional confusion, making it difficult for any single nation’s law enforcement agencies to act effectively against them.
Anmerkungen

Somewhat adjusted. Source is not referenced.

In the first sentence "criminals" is replaced by "terrorist" and like that the focus of the section is adapted to what is needed for the thesis. In the third paragraph the American spelling ("center") is anglicized.

Sichter
(Hindemith), WiseWoman

[5.] Nm/Fragment 068 01 - Diskussion
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[In some instances transnational criminal organizations also create jurisdictional confusion, making it difficult for any] single nation’s law enforcement agencies to act effectively against them. Laundering money through a series of firms and banks in multiple jurisdictions, for example, makes it arduous and costly for law enforcement to follow up the money trail.

Networks also offer opportunities for both redundancy and flexibility. In network structures, it is easier to create redundancies than it is in more formal and rigid organizations. It can operate, even when a part of same network is destroyed, at the same time it can become very resilient and can be easily rebuilt.

In view of these benefits, it is not unexpected that network structures have become particularly predominant in modern organized crime, whether in the United States, Europe, or states in transition such as Russia, Ukraine, other newly independent states of the former Soviet Union, South Africa, and Cambodia, or even China and Cuba. As reported in the referenced book, the analysis now looks at the main characteristics of criminal networks; characteristics that help make them extremely difficult to combat.

In some instances transnational criminal organizations also create jurisdictional confusion, making it difficult for any single nation’s law enforcement agencies to act effectively against them. Laundering money through a series of firms and banks in multiple jurisdictions, for example, makes it arduous and costly for law enforcement to follow the money trail.

[Seite 72]

  • Networks also offer opportunities for both redundancy and resilience. In network structures, it is easier to create redundancies than it is in more formal and rigid organizations — so that even if part of the network is destroyed it can still operate. Furthermore, degradation of a network does not necessarily lead to its demise: Networks are very resilient and can easily be rebuilt.

In view of these advantages, it is not surprising that network structures have become particularly prevalent in contemporary organized crime, whether in the United States, Europe, or states in transition such as Russia, Ukraine, other newly independent states of the former Soviet Union, South Africa, and Cambodia, or even China and Cuba. Accordingly, the analysis now looks at the main characteristics of criminal networks, characteristics that help make them extremely difficult to combat.

Anmerkungen

Some adjustments. The source has not been referenced

Sichter
(Hindemith), WiseWoman

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2.9.6 Network Cores

Networks of any significant size will generally have a central / core and a periphery/ foot soldier, reflecting asymmetries of power, influence, and status within the network. The central member is characterized by dense connections among individuals who, in the case of a directed network, provide the steering mechanism for the [network as a whole.]

Network Cores

Networks of any substantial size will generally have both a core and a periphery, reflecting asymmetries of power, influence, and status within the network. The core is characterized by dense connections among individuals who, in the case of a directed network, provide the steering mechanism for the network as a whole.

Anmerkungen

Slight adaptations. The source is not referenced

Sichter
(Hindemith), WiseWoman

[7.] Nm/Fragment 073 01 - Diskussion
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Usually the originators of the criminal enterprise, the central members initiate specific criminal activities, arbitrate disputes, and provide direction. Their relationship is often supported by bonding mechanisms that help to create high degrees of trust and cohesion.

In many cases, bonding will be directly related to family or kinship: For example, many Italian Mafia groups are still organized along family lines, while Turkish drug trafficking and criminal organizations are often clan based. Other bonding mechanisms include ethnicity and common experience in which the participants develop a strong sense of trust and mutual reliance.

Membership in youth gangs or time spent together in prison can also provide critical bonding mechanisms. In the United States, the Mexican Mafia (which is not actually Mexican) started as a prison gang in Southern California but has developed much more extensively. Yet, it is the common experience that continues to provide the network core with the capacity to operate with confidence and believe that disloyalty or defection is very unlikely.

If network cores exhibit strong collective identities, cohesion does not necessarily enhance—and can actually reduce—the capacity to obtain information and “mobilize resources from the environment.” Indeed, recent trends in network analysis posit an inverse relationship, in general, between the density/intensity of the coupling of network ties on the one hand and their openness to the outside environment on the other (Grabher, G., Stark, D., 1997)

This explains the attraction of a two-tier structure in which the weaknesses of the central member in carrying out the functions of information acquisition are more than offset by the foot soldiers/ peripheries.

2.9.7 Network Peripheries

The peripheries feature less dense patterns of interaction and looser [relationships than the core.]

Usually the originators of the criminal enterprise, the core members initiate specific criminal activities, arbitrate disputes, and provide direction. Their relationship is often underpinned by bonding mechanisms that help to create high degrees of trust and cohesion.

In many cases, bonding will be directly related to family or kinship: Many Italian Mafia groups are still organized along family lines, while Turkish drug trafficking and criminal organizations are often clan based. Other bonding mechanisms include ethnicity and common experience in which the participants develop a strong sense of trust and mutual reliance.

Membership in youth gangs or time spent together in prison can also provide critical bonding mechanisms. In the United States, the Mexican Mafia (which is not actually Mexican) started as a prison gang in

[Page 73]

Southern California but has developed much more extensively. Yet, it is the common experience that continues to give the core of the network a capacity to operate with confidence that disloyalty or defection are unlikely.[FN 15]

If network cores exhibit strong collective identities, cohesion does not necessarily enhance—and can actually reduce—the capacity to obtain information and “mobilize resources from the environment.” Indeed,

recent trends in network analysis posit an inverse relationship, in general, between the density/intensity of the coupling of network ties on the one hand and their openness to the outside environment on the other.[FN 16]

This explains the attraction of a two-tier structure in which the weaknesses of the core in carrying out the functions of information acquisition are more than offset by the periphery.

Network Peripheries

This zone features less dense patterns of interaction and looser relationships than the core.


[FN 15] The analysis here and the discussion of bonding mechanisms rests heavily on Ianni, 1974, pp.282-293.

[FN 16] See David Stark and Gernot Grabher, “Organizing Diversity: Evolutionary Theory, Network Analysis, and Postsocialist Transformations,” in Stark and Grabher, eds., Restructuring Networks: Legacies, Linkages, and Localities in Postsocialism (New York and London: Oxford University Press, in press).

Anmerkungen

Very minor adaptations. The source is not given.

One literature reference has been removed, another reference for a quote has been taken from the source, and the period was omitted after the inserted reference.

Sichter
(Hindemith), WiseWoman

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Yet, these characteristics play a critical role in networks, exhibiting and exploiting “the strength of weak ties” (Granovetter, M., 1973). In effect, the periphery allows the network to operate at a far greater distance, both geographically and socially, than would otherwise be the case. Thus it facilitates more-extensive operations, more-diverse activities, and the capacity to carry out effective intelligence collection. Yet, these characteristics play a critical role in networks, exhibiting and exploiting “the strength of weak ties.” [FN 17] In effect, the periphery allows the network to operate at a far greater distance —both geographically and socially— than would otherwise be the case, facilitating more-extensive operations, more-diverse activities, and the capacity to carry out effective intelligence collection. [FN 18]

[FN 17] Mark Granovetter, “The Strength of Weak Ties,” American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 78 (1973) pp. 1360-1380.

[FN 18] Ibid. and Burt, 1992.

Anmerkungen

Only very slight adaptations. The source is not given.

Note that also one literature reference is taken from the source (and another has been removed).

Note also the identical usage of the words "more-extensive" and "more-diverse".

Sichter
(Hindemith), WiseWoman

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