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Research on Parliamentary Privilege Concurrently Discuss Chinese National People's Congressional Privilege

von Weizhong Yi

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[1.] Wy/Fragment 033 01 - Diskussion
Zuletzt bearbeitet: 2013-09-15 18:45:51 Graf Isolan
Fragment, Gesichtet, Griffith 2009, KomplettPlagiat, SMWFragment, Schutzlevel sysop, Wy

Typus
KomplettPlagiat
Bearbeiter
Graf Isolan
Gesichtet
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Untersuchte Arbeit:
Seite: 33, Zeilen: 1ff (komplett)
Quelle: Griffith 2009
Seite(n): 8, Zeilen: 2-25
[The House of Commons] would not have become the powerful institution that it is if the views of those

monarchs had prevailed. The importance of Parliament under the Westminster system is in no small part due to the seemingly inconsequential right of the House of Commons to control its business.113

In contemporary terms it is sometimes said that the focus is on the relationship between Parliament and the courts – on the separation of judicial and legislative power - with parliamentary privilege operating “now as a constraint on the judicial arm of government”.114

One might ask whether this particular separation of powers continues to be ‘necessary’ now that the courts are recognised to be independent of the Executive. Do the same constitutional first principles apply in contemporary circumstances as in the past? Are the same immunities required or, stating the issue in another way, should the immunities relating to freedom of speech in Parliament be placed on a different constitutional basis?

A further consideration is that, as the earlier statements from Vaid show, parliamentary privilege also serves to assert Parliament’s independence from the modern day Executive. Parliament’s immunities prevent incursions into parliamentary freedoms, by commissions of inquiry, police questioning or other means. Its powers facilitate the scrutiny of the Executive on behalf of the electorate.

Parallels can also be drawn with the prerogative powers. Like parliamentary privilege, the prerogative consists of special rules that “evolved to enable public [bodies to perform their functions”.115]


113 (1998) 195 CLR 424, p.478.

114 Mees v Roads Corporation (2003) 128 FCR 418, at para.78.

[115 C Munro, Studies in Constitutional Law, Butterworths, 1987, p.136.]

The House of Commons would not have become the powerful institution that it is if the views of those monarchs had prevailed. The importance of Parliament under the Westminster system is in no small part due to the seemingly inconsequential right of the House of Commons to control its business.30

In contemporary terms it is sometimes said that the focus is on the relationship between Parliament and the courts – on the separation of judicial and legislative power - with parliamentary privilege operating ‘now as a constraint on the judicial arm of government’.31

One might ask whether this particular separation of powers continues to be ‘necessary’ now that the courts are recognised to be independent of the Executive? Do the same constitutional first principles apply in contemporary circumstances as in the past? Are the same immunities required or, stating the issue in another way, should the immunities relating to freedom of speech in Parliament be placed on a different constitutional basis?

A further consideration is that, as the earlier statements from Vaid show, parliamentary privilege also serves to assert Parliament’s independence from the modern day Executive. Parliament’s immunities prevent incursions into parliamentary freedoms, by commissions of inquiry, police questioning or other means. Its powers facilitate the scrutiny of the Executive on behalf of the electorate.

Parallels can also be drawn with the prerogative powers. Like parliamentary privilege, the prerogative consists of special rules that ‘evolved to enable public bodies to perform their functions’.32


30 (1998) 195 CLR 424 at 478.

31 Mees v Roads Corporation (2003) 128 FCR 418 at para 78.

32 C Munro, Studies in Constitutional Law, Butterworths, 1987, p 136.

Anmerkungen

Kein Hinweis auf eine Übernahme 1:1.

Sichter
(Graf Isolan) Agrippina1


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